Looking back at this time last year when United States President Barack Obama pitched high hopes on hosting this weekend two gala summits — G-8 summit in Camp David, followed immediately by the NATO summit in Chicago — what strikes the eye is how much the world has changed. Obama intended to showcase his stature as a world leader in a spectacle of spread over 4 magnificent days in May when spring has arrived, within a fortnight of the formal launch of his re-election bid. Even a gifted politician could miscalculate.
Where Obama went seriously wrong is, ironically, in
underestimating the crisis in Europe, while his saving grace is that he succeeds in shoring up that one front that he probably least expected to hold, namely, Afghanistan. To stretch the irony, the European crisis that may spill over into the US politics in the coming months — economic slowdown in Europe may well cross the Atlantic and engulf the US before the November election — but Obama can be virtually sure of a bipartisan consensus in the domestic arena regarding his pledge to extend the Afghan war beyond 2014. (Whether he will indeed redeem the pledge, if elected for a second term, becomes a completely different story.)
The US’ European allies customarily lend a hand to build the hype of G8 or NATO summits. But the leaders in Berlin, France or London — leave alone Rome, Athens Madrid — seem rather indifferent, almost irritated about the weekend’s distraction that they could have done without. The heavyweight, Germany, is entering high turbulence in domestic politics with Chacellor Angela Merkel’s government
facing the threat of a meltdown.
The inescapable reality is that the US figures only peripherally in the European debate, and Washington has scarcely any leverage over Europe’s fiscal emergency. Obama finds himself on an awkward spot incapable of steering the course of events or influencing developments, while being
petrified about the deluge if the floodgates get opened swarming the US’ prospects of recovery.
In any case, what is G8 when China, South Korea, Australia, India, Turkey and Brazil can do without it? Bruce Jones of Brookings said nicely that G8 is a body that’s a “little bit betwixt and between.” Out of the magnificent spectacle promised by Obama this weekend, G8 seems destined to end up as a whimper.
On the other hand, NATO summit promises to be dynamic. The agenda includes the withdrawal of NATO forces from Afghanistan and the “transition” scenario as well as international security in the midst of the economic crisis.
Obviously, the US’ European allies are eager to push for the exits in the war in Afghanistan. Obama will restrain some of them, including France. Second, Obama needs to persuade the NATO allies to cough up 1.3 billion dollars to match the US’ contribution to the 4 billion dollar kitty that is to give the financial underpinning for maintaining an Afghan army in the post-2014 period. When it comes to money, Europeans may show reluctance, but 1.3 billion dollars for the 27 NATO partners out together is not a big deal. The NATO summit golds no mysteries. Obama’s address to the (American) nation from the Bagram air base on May 1 said it all. It is one of those curious situations where the foreplay — signing of the US-Afghan strategic pact — was actually the real act.
The tantalizing part of the summit lies elsewhere: how far will the summit (read Obama) push the envelope on the ballistic missile shield [BMD] without Russia. A BMD without Russia will no doubt be a game changer.
Russia is, understandably, bristling. But Russia is still hoping that the NATO’s decision on ABD will not be a game breaker.
Obama will, in all probability, tread softly, knowing he is treading on Russian sensitivity. And this is also
what a whole lot of them want —
Frau Merkel,
Monsieur Hollande, Erdogan
Bey, et al. So, Russia keeps its fingers crossed.
The decision to depute Dmitry Medvedev to go to the US just ahead of the NATO summit in Chicago to have a candid chat with Obama (who professes much warmth toward him) at the Camp David retreat is one of the smartest things Vladimir Putin took in his first week at the Kremlin. Beneath the veneer of “strategic defiance”, he keeps the US-Russian reset on a pragmatic course.