![]()
FLESH TRADE FLOURISHES IN PUDUCHERRY
Posted in People's warriors, Politics, Puducherry News on 11/08/2011 05:24 am by Nandhi VarmanCorruption and Congress : A historical peep into past.
Posted in Politics, Scams on 11/01/2011 12:52 pm by Nandhi VarmanNandhi Speaks…… These are days when everyday one scam comes out in media and people forget it after few days. To refresh the memory of people let me place the corruption history of Congress governments. Jeep Scam of 1947 : Pakistan invaded Indian territory of Kashmir and Indian army needed Jeeps to travel in difficult terrain of Kashmir. V.K.Krishna Menon was India’s High Commission to Britain. Like our Suresh Kalmadi, he placed orders for 4603 Jeeps from a dubious company. You may ask what is wrong in it ? The Jeeps were of poor quality. It was supplied after the War was over. Parliament rocked. Ananthasayanam Iyengar Committee was constituted to probe the scam. It had submitted its report which till date had not been made public. So the Congress party which Mahathma Gandhi wanted to be disbanded once independence was attained and become a Seva Sangh, started serving India with being the first in bagging the trophy for corruption. Congress also taught Indians that it can not only rule but can lay precedent to misrule by sending the first scam report to cold storage. First corrupt politician to be jailed 1949 : The then Industries Minister of Vindhya Pradesh Rao Shiv Bahadur Singh was caught red handed receiving a bribe of Rs 25,000 for renewing a diamond mine lease in Patna. Singh was imprisoned for 3 years. The first Congress leader to go to jail and starting the Corruption brigade in Congress which now has Suresh Kalmadi as national show piece . First bureaucrat to be jailed 1951: There existed a quota for import of cycle parts, and it was given to a sole importer benefitting that particular importer and in this scam Union Industries and Commerce Secretary S.A.Venkatraman was sentenced to three years imprisonment. The great honour of going to jail was conferred on a Tamil Brahmin bureaucrat who taught the bureaucracy graftology. Mundra Scam that hit T.T.Krishnamachari 1957 : Life Insurance Corporation of India was influenced by Finance Minister T.T.Krishnamachari to lend Harida Mundra of Kanpur Rs 1 crore by purchasing shares in his firms with no real standing in order to boost the prices of those companies in share market. Haridas Mundra was jailed for 22 months. Finance Minister T.T.Krishnamachari, a South Indian Brahmin had to resign earning the reputation of first Union Minister to step down and for a Dalit Minister to get this honour it took time till 2011. Hasan Ali of those days Teja Caper 1962 : Liechtenstein bank as safe have for black money is very much in news nowadays, thanks to Hasan Ali popularizing that bank and Puducherry Lt.Governor Iqbal Singh helping Hasan Ali get fake passport. Jayanthi Dharma Teja set up a shipping company with a paid up capital of Rs 200 only. A Nehruvian recommendation got that company Rs 22 crore as loan. Jayanthi Shipping Company of Dharma Teja pocketed all advance payments in his Leichtenstein bank account. In this scam finally Dharma Teja was arrested in London in the year 1970 . Het got six years imprisonment. But he escaped and like Puducherry absconder Ravi Shah co-accused along with his brother Kamal Shah who raped and brutally murdered his elder brother Ravi Shah’s wife Parvathi Shah , Dharma Teja is absconder and Indians forgot this scam too. Punjab Scam of its Chief Minister 1964 : Allowing family members to amass wealth disproportionate to known sources of income may be famous because of Jayalalitha’s disproportionate asset case and 2 G scam cases but first Chief Minister to fall prey to his family’s greed was Punjab Chief Minister Pratap Singh Kairon. Dass Commission of Enquiry indicted him and he had to step down from office. Nagarwala Mystery of 1971 : After liberating Bangla Desh Indira Gandhi was called as Goddess Durga by Indian masses. Before 1971 because of Congress party split and veterans like Kamaraj leaving Congress to start Old Congress which was known as Syndicate, the Indira Gandhi Government survived with the support of 25 member DMK Parliamentary party headed by orator Nanjil Manoharan. Aringnar Anna inculcated in the blood and veins of DMK cadre anti-congressim but Kalaignar M.Karunanithi made the historical mistake of supporting Congress to survive, which he must be repenting now in 2011. In 1971 polls DMK-Indira Congress alliance was struck. I still remember as Student DMK leader, the veterans of Congress like R.Venkatraman, C.Subramanian, Mohan Kumaramangalam and others of the Congress delegation standing before DMK President posing photographs without sitting in available sofas to get only 10 Parliament seats with NO assembly seat for Congress in the alliance deal. In such historical year of 1971 State Bank of India chief cashier got a phone call with someone speaking in Indira Gandhi’s voice directing him to give Rs 60 lakhs to her messenger, a former army officer Rustom Sorab Nagarwala ………
![]()
RAJAPAKSHE GETS CERTIFICATE FROM KP
Posted in People's warriors on 07/30/2010 09:12 pm by Nandhi Varman![]()
TRAITORS AND TURNCOATS CERTIFY TINPOT DICTATOR’S TAMIL GENOCIDE
Mount Road Mahavishnu, as traditional DMK men used to call a news paper that had played a venomous role in projecting Neo-Hitler Mr.Rajapakshe as savior of Tamils which in fact meant their self interests all through these years is known for its double speak and double act. Proclaiming allegiance to Marxism from ivory towers and embracing spiritualists and escorting him from state border when they were encircled in criminal cases is another example of those people’s double speaks. The so-called opinion maker, finding his closest friend Mr.Rajapakshe in troubled waters with world opinion turning against him, planned an operation salvage to redeem Mr.Rajapakshe’s sullied or blood stained image by giving him a phenyl wash employing a traitor to do that job.
Kumaran Pathmanathan, the traitor who sold all information about the financial empire built by millions of Tamil women contributing the gold even in their mangalsutra and overseas Tamil kinsmen saving by forgoing even a meal to contribute to Tamil national cause, now gives clean chit to the Neo-Hitler of 21st century. As Christians hate Judas, Tamils will hate Mr.Rajapakshe for centuries. The followers of Rama every year in Ramleela grounds in
Mr.Rajapakhshe is leader of Sinhalese and a legendary hero to them, but for Tamils in our epics he will remain a Hitler-like personality. We are democrats, not terrorists, but our race has the right to curse him for thousands of years. No one can ban our minds cursing his political downfall. No one can find fault with Tamil Diaspora trying to seek justice for the genocide that gentlemen heaped on innocent civilians in final phase of Eelam War. Humanism is not dead in the hearts of westerners; hence a humanitarian demand to fix Mr.Rajapakshe for his genocide is gaining momentum all over the civilized world,
To paint him as paragon of virtue even after his refusal to send all displaced Tamils back to their homes, is a gravest crime that anyone with a conscience cannot do, hence Hindu had engaged Traitor Kumaran Pathmanathan to give a conduct certificate to Mr.Mahinda Rajapakshe. As Hindu has the freedom of speech to write honey coated references on a leader stained with blood and will go down in history as modern day Hitler, we are within our democratic right to criticize the news item, exposing the motive of the Tamil traitor Kumaran Pathmanathan.
Sinhalese have yet to ask how much gold and money was caught from hidden treasures of LTTE or how much wealth went to their country’s coffers. KP deal must be made to public light. Sinhalese Government due to guilty conscience may suppress facts about genocidal war. But they claim to have broken the financial empire of LTTE, with the help of Traitor Kumaran Padmanathan, if so they owe to the Sinhalese they represent to tell the truth. Sinhalese must demand a white paper on how the LTTE’s finances were frozen, if so whether it were confiscated and brought in to Government coffers or whether it was channeled to few individuals in power and shared with traitors and turncoats.
World has changed Kumaran Pathmanathan says, yes changed but not to allow genocide to go unpunished. World may be against terrorists but history will not give clean chits to Neo-Hitlers.
I am not holding brief for LTTE or spitting venom against victors. History will judge who is who, Hindu cannot convert Godse into Gandhi.Hindu cannot rewrite the life of Idi-Amin and portray him on par with Nelson Mandela.
The consistent policy of Hindu backing Mr.Mahinda Rajapakshe is within its journalistic rights. But we Indian citizens have conscience to shed tears for our kinsmen killed in genocide, and curse the villains who continue to kill Indian Tamil fishermen even now and we cannot buy conduct certificates manufactured by Hindu University and history is not written by Hindu and its Editor.
N.Nandhivarman
General Secretary
Dravida Peravai
30.07.2010
AUROVILLE COMPLAINT AGAINST BBC : BBC WINS
Posted in Ashram Case, People's warriors on 07/12/2010 06:53 pm by Nandhi Varman
[With gratitude and thanks we reproduce the relevant portion of the Ofcom Broadcast Bulletin Issue number 157 10 May 2010 rejecting Auroville complaint against BBC.]
Fairness & Privacy cases Not Upheld
Complaint by The Auroville Foundation and the community of Auroville made on their behalf by The Working Committee of the Residents’ Assembly of the Auroville Foundation through its authorized representative, Mr. Carel B Thieme News Night, BBC2, 21 May 2008
Introduction to Of Com
The Broadcast Bulletin reports on the outcome of investigations into alleged breaches of those Ofcom codes which broadcasting licensees are required to comply. These include: a) Ofcom’s Broadcasting Code (“the Code”) which took effect on 16 December 2009 and covers all programmes broadcast on or after 16 December 2009. The Broadcasting Code can be found at http://www.ofcom.org.uk/tv/ifi/codes/bcode/. Note: Programmes broadcast prior to 16 December 2009 are covered by the 2005 Code which came into effect on 25 July 2005 (with the exception of Rule 10.17 which came into effect on 1 July 2005). The 2005 Code can be found at http://www.ofcom.org.uk/tv/ifi/codes/bcode_2005/. b) The Code on the Scheduling of Television Advertising (“COSTA”) which came into effect on 1 September 2008 and contains rules on how much advertising and teleshopping may be scheduled in programmes, how many breaks are allowed and when they may be taken. COSTA can be found at http://www.ofcom.org.uk/tv/ifi/codes/code_adv/tacode.pdf. c) Other codes and requirements that may also apply to broadcasters, depending on their circumstances. These include the Code on Television Access Services (which sets out how much subtitling, signing and audio description relevant licensees must provide), the Code on Electronic Programme Guides, the Code on Listed Events, and the Cross Promotion Code. Links to all these codes can be found at http://www.ofcom.org.uk/tv/ifi/codes/ From time to time adjudications relating to advertising content may appear in the Bulletin in relation to areas of advertising regulation which remain with Ofcom (including the application of statutory sanctions by Ofcom). It is Ofcom’s policy to describe fully the content in television and radio programmes that is subject to broadcast investigations. Some of the language and descriptions used in Ofcom’s Broadcast Bulletin may therefore cause offence.
Fairness and Privacy Cases Not Upheld Complaint by The Auroville Foundation and the community of Auroville made on their behalf by The Working Committee of the Residents’ Assembly of the Auroville Foundation through its authorized representative, Mr. Carel B Thieme News night, BBC2, 21 May 2008
Summary: Ofcom has not upheld the complaint of unfair treatment made by Mr. Thieme on behalf of The Auroville Foundation and the community of Auroville. An item in this programme looked at Auroville, a town in southern
Introduction
On 21 May 2008, BBC2 broadcast an edition of News night, which included a report about the town of
Anonymous villager, “Sundrun”, who said he had been abused when he was younger and that the abuse of children was continuing. · Anonymous villager, “Shiva”, who said that children were being abused, particularly at the
Auroville was one where westerners went to pick up young Indian children, and that she had witnessed two separate men with two young Indian boys, one of whom had been taken to a beach hut.
Finally, the programme included an interview with, and photograph of, Mr. Carel Thieme of the Working Committee of the Auroville Residents’ Assembly (the “Working Committee”). The Working Committee first complained to the BBC’s Editorial Complaints Unit on behalf of the Complainants that the programme as broadcast was unfair and inaccurate. The complaint was not upheld by the BBC and, in a complaint received on 13 January 2009; Mr. Thieme complained to Ofcom on behalf of the Complainants that they had been treated unfairly in the programme as broadcast. The Complaint The Complainants’ case In summary, the Complainants said that they were treated unfairly in the programme as broadcast in that: a) They were unfairly portrayed because the programme: i) Suggested wrongly and unfairly that paedophilia was “rampant” in Auroville and that nothing was being done about it, by: · Presenting the statements of Mr. Raj Batra and Mr. N Nandhivarman, the statements of anonymous villagers “Shiva” and “Sundrun” and the statements of Ms Rachel Wright (“the reporter”) at the beach, as factual, credible evidence of child abuse and inaction by Aurovilians or guests in Auroville, despite the fact that: · with the exception of one allegation by “Sundrun”, none of them claimed to have first-hand knowledge or evidence of child abuse by Aurovilians or guests in Auroville; · both Mr. Batra, who was asked to leave Auroville in 2004, and local politician, Mr. Nandhivarman, had a history of antipathy towards the Complainants; · “Shiva” had already provided an untenable and unreliable statement; · the reporter had no evidence that the men she saw on the beach were Aurovilians or guests in Auroville or that they were involved in child abuse; and · details of these allegations were not provided to the Complainants or the authorities to investigate. · Presenting statements made by Mr. Gilles Guigan and Mr. Ram Kumar Raj out of context so as to suggest they agreed Auroville had a problem with child abuse. In fact, Mr. Guigan had been talking about ideal societies and Mr. Raj, that the Complainants, like everyone else, had to take the universal problem of child abuse seriously. · Presenting two extracts from the Complainants’ intranet out of context as evidence of child abuse problems in Auroville, when in fact the first extract was almost five years old and referred to past problems of child abuse.
The second, referring to a person’s visa having “been cancelled”, had nothing to do with child abuse in Auroville, but referred to a mentally unstable person seen wandering near Auroville in 2008. · Inaccurately presenting the way in which Mr. Didier Keim was dealt with by the Complainants, wrongly suggesting that after they said they had expelled Mr. Keim in 1996, he was allowed to work with children in Auroville for another five years before he was finally arrested and subsequently sentenced for paedophilia in the nearby city of
full members, that Aurovilians believed in “divine anarchy”, with no rules and no leaders, that the Complainants had no leadership structure and that the Complainants had slipped beneath the radar. By way of background, the Complainants said that they had no induction process; it was not a sect, although there was a Newcomer probationary period. There was no aspiration for no rules and no leaders. The Complainants had rules, such as their Admission Policy and a formal management structure set out in the Auroville Foundation Act, 1988 (“the Auroville Act”) which created and constituted the Auroville Foundation, the Governing Board, the International Advisory Council, the Secretary, the Residents’ Assembly and the Working Committee to develop Auroville in accordance with its ideals. The Secretary, an official of the Indian Government and permanent resident in Auroville, would have protested if the Complainants had “slipped beneath the radar”. iv) contained numerous other inaccuracies which contributed to their unfair portrayal, including suggestions that: · 16,000 Tamil villagers lived in Auroville; · the Complainants were partly financed by the Indian Government; and Ofcom Broadcast Bulletin, Issue 157 10 May 2010 · Auroville’s members paid no tax. Furthermore, much of the footage broadcast was not of Auroville, but of surrounding farmland, villages and
ii) The reporter unfairly omitted to give the Auroville Foundation or any resident Aurovilian an opportunity to contribute or respond to the allegations while she was in Auroville. She neither contacted the resident Secretary of the Auroville Foundation nor the Working Committee. iii) The BBC emailed the transcript of the intended programme to the Working Committee, but gave them less than 24 hours to respond. The Working Committee emailed the BBC with a long list of detailed comments however, instead of correcting everything; the BBC accepted some corrections and ignored many others, with the result that many damaging and seriously defamatory inaccuracies were broadcast in the programme that same evening. iv) a short interview with Working Committee member, Mr. Thieme, was included at the end of the programme with a static picture of him. It did not, therefore, have the same weight and was far less persuasive than if such response had been incorporated into the programme itself. By way of background, the Complainants said that it was only after strong protests from the Working Committee that the BBC agreed to include an interview with a member of the Working Committee in the programme as broadcast. Furthermore, the BBC did not send the questions to Mr. Thieme in advance, so he had no idea what to expect, and he had not been informed by the BBC what allegations had actually been broadcast in the programme and what had not. Finally, the time given to Mr. Thieme’s response was perhaps less than three minutes. The BBC’s case a) In summary, the BBC responded to the head of complaint that the Complainants were portrayed unfairly as follows: i) The BBC said it did not accept that the programme gave the impression that “rampant paedophilia” existed in Auroville, but rather that the programme suggested that there was a serious problem of child abuse involving some residents of Auroville which had not been effectively addressed by the Complainants. The BBC said that nowhere was the word “rampant”, or anything synonymous with it, or even similar to it, actually used. The BBC said it believed that there was a substantial array of witnesses offering testimony from a number of perspectives which tended to corroborate each other to provide a sufficient basis for the claim that allegations of abuse were not being effectively tackled by the Complainants. The BBC said that the fact that only one of the witnesses was a direct victim of child abuse did not undermine the fact that other witnesses were aware of abuse or allegations of abuse and provided compelling support for the claim that the Complainants had failed to investigate such allegations seriously. In any event, the BBC said that this was not the limit of the evidence gathered by the programme. The BBC said that the reporter had a number of conversations with other witnesses who corroborated the allegations being made, but who were not prepared to speak publicly. The BBC said that it was clear to the reporter that the concerns expressed by the anonymous villager in the programme were shared by other villagers and that there were other young people who claimed to have been sexually abused by Aurovilians. The BBC said that the reporter also became aware of what seemed to her to be a climate of fear which discouraged people from speaking out publicly, not least because of the financial dependence of many local people on the Complainants. The BBC said it did not accept the Complainants’ characterization of the attitude of Mr. Batra and Mr. Nandhivarman towards them. The BBC said that in fact both had earned the enmity of the Complainants because they had highlighted the issue of child abuse by Auroville residents and had campaigned publicly for the Complainants to take the issue seriously and investigate allegations of abuse. The BBC said it could not be argued that their testimony in relation to this issue was unreliable when the “antipathy” which existed derived originally from the Complainants’ failure to deal with abuse. In relation to “Shiva’s” “untenable and unreliable statement”, the BBC said that this referred to a claim made by him in interview that one in five children at the
In relation to Mr. Guigan, the BBC said that his remarks were framed before and after by commentary describing, in general terms, what might well be described as “the welfare and evolution” of Auroville which, as the Complainants said, was the basis of the interview he gave. The BBC said that there was no mention of child abuse to which Mr. Guigan’s comments were linked or proximate. The BBC said that it did not agree therefore that Mr. Guigan’s views were used out of context. The BBC said that it did not accept that Mr. Raj’s comments were confined to general observations that the Complainants, like everybody else, had to take seriously the universal problem of child abuse. The BBC said that in unused parts of the interview which was conducted with Mr Raj, it was quite clear that he had specific concerns about Auroville. The BBC said that, having established his sphere of work, Mr. Raj then went on to make clear that he had concerns about people staying at Auroville, even if they were not the sole focus of his concern. In relation to the presentation of two extracts from the Complainants’ intranet, the BBC said that the first extract complained of was from a posting written in 2003 by a resident who expressed serious concerns about a number of things, including child sexual abuse. The BBC said that it did not believe that it counted against the evidential value of this document that it was posted in 2003. The BBC said that in her next posting, on the following day, the resident conceded that “Auroville has a reputation for paedophilia”. The BBC said that the second extract, where the words “visa has been cancelled. He has…and deported” were visible, referred to a relative of an Auroville resident who had been staying in the community and, the programme was told, abusing children. However, the BBC said that the individual was not identified, and what was recorded in the posting applied equally to other Auroville residents. The BBC said that in correspondence with the reporter, the Complainants had conceded that two residents had their visas cancelled after being suspected by the authorities of child abuse. The BBC said that using the extract in this context gave rise to no unfairness. In relation to Mr. Keim, the BBC said that although it was not stated in the programme, the allegation that he continued to work with children in Auroville for a further five years was based upon the evidence of two of the witnesses identified in the programme, Mr. Batra and Mr. Nandhivarman, both of whom had been instrumental in having Mr. Keim’s case pursued by the police in Pondicherry. The BBC said that their testimony was corroborated by material posted on the Complainants’ intranet site, after the broadcast, by an Auroville member who took particular issue with the account Mr. Thieme gave to News night about how the organization had dealt with the case of Mr. Keim. The BBC said that Mr. Thieme’s position on the programme was that Mr. Keim had been at Auroville “for no more than eight months before he was discovered out and kicked out of Auroville” and the authorities informed. The BBC said that the Auroville member wrote: “… This was not what I experienced when I was in New Creation around the time that Didier (a paedophile who is now in prison in
The BBC said that this was subject to only a very minor edit and that no material part of Mr. Thieme’s contribution was left out. The BBC said that there had never been a complaint from the Complainants about the way that the interview was edited. The BBC said that it was clear from the interview that the Complainants claimed that they did not tolerate child abuse. ii) The BBC said that the programme only used the word exploitation in the introduction and then it was used to describe the view of local Tamils. The BBC said that it was clear that the tenor of the evidence which the reporter obtained whilst investigating the story supported the claim that many Tamils did believe that the Complainants were exploiting them. The BBC said that during her investigation, the reporter was shown data which had been compiled internally and which showed the contrast between the numbers of Tamils from the local community who applied to become Aurovilians and the number who were admitted. The BBC said that the reporter also saw internal data which showed the length of time it would take for a local Tamil to complete the admission process – sometimes up to 15 years – and, by contrast, how a relatively wealthy European could complete the process, sometimes within months. The BBC said that this material, however, was shown to the reporter on a confidential basis and it was unable to make it available. The BBC said that the reporter also spoke to three Indians who were members of Auroville who were quite happy to be interviewed (albeit anonymously) to testify how hard it was to join Auroville if you were a local Tamil. The BBC said that the reporter could affirm that very many of the Tamils she spoke to gave the clear impression of being scared of upsetting the Complainants and that they explained that this was because their livelihoods often depended on the Complainants or because they felt vulnerable to acts of reprisal. The BBC said that one local villager had stated that the Complainants had put pressure on local people by “blackmailing them” to sell their land to them. The BBC said that “Sundrun” corroborated the claim that people were scared. He stated in the programme: “We depend on them for work. If these kinds of stories come out there would be death threats from Aurovilians and we have no protection from them. There are lots of things that happen like this inside Auroville”. The BBC said that the reporter also spent time with another witness who she asked for help and who agreed to accompany her in her car around Auroville. However, the BBC said that he was physically shaking during the whole experience and hid on the floor of the car when he saw Aurovilians. The BBC said that the reporter was left in no doubt that local Tamils were genuinely frightened of people from Auroville.
The BBC said that the Complainants did employ local people, but although this brought benefits to them, it also had the effect of making them vulnerable, and while they were paid better than workers in
iii) The BBC said that the programme did not use the phrase “anarchic sect” or anything resembling it. The BBC said it believed that reference to a period of “induction” carried no adverse implication whatsoever and certainly did not suggest that the community was an “anarchic sect”. The BBC said that it was common to refer to the process whereby an individual was introduced into a new job, for instance, as “induction”. The BBC said that reference to “divine anarchy” derived from a quote on the Complainants’ own website attributed to Mirra Alfassa (known to Aurovilians as “The Mother”) who founded the community. The BBC said that The Mother went on to spell out that “the ideal” was a situation “without fixed rules and laws”. This, the BBC said it believed, was perfectly consistent with the comment made in the programme that the Complainants aspired to “no rules, no leader”. The BBC said that it believed that, regardless of the organizational structures in place in Auroville, there was no doubt that it aspired ultimately to the ideal which was expressed by its own founder. The BBC said that it did not believe that it was unfair to represent the community as aspiring to that particular ideal. iv) The BBC said that the complaint did not set out why the minor alleged inaccuracies gave rise to unfairness. The BBC said it did not accept that any of them represented genuine inaccuracies and said it believed that they had all been disposed of in the BBC’s response to the Working Committee’s complaint to the BBC’s Editorial Complaints Unit. b) In summary, the BBC responded to the complaint that the programme broadcast material obtained by deception as follows: The BBC said that the only material obtained by deception was a very limited amount of background information supplied by the Complainants. The BBC said that the material upon which the allegations of child abuse and the Complainants’ inadequate response to this were based, was obtained openly and all material used was used with the informed consent of those who had provided it. The BBC said that when the reporter approached the Complainants she told them that she was working on a general report about Auroville because at that stage she was hoping to be able to film within the community and she took the view that this would have been rendered less likely if she had disclosed that she was investigating allegations of paedophilia. The BBC said that at that stage, the programme makers had to consider the possibility that early disclosure of the nature of the allegations might have resulted in a lack of co-operation from the Complainants or even measures being taken to thwart the investigation. The BBC said that it believed that, given the public interest in the allegations being investigated, the programme was entitled to protect its investigation by exercising prudence at that stage and that the level of deception was justified in those terms. However, the BBC said that it was never its intention to withhold from the Complainants the actual focus of the investigation to the extent that the community would have been denied a sufficient right of reply to the allegations. The BBC said that the deception at the early stage was intended solely to facilitate the preparation of the programme. The BBC said it believed that the subject matter of the programme – child abuse within the community and the inadequacies in the community’s response which may have left children at serious risk – was self-evidently in the public interest and the relatively minor degree of deception involved in bringing the story to public attention was justified. c) In summary, the BBC responded to the complaint that the Complainants had not been provided with a sufficient right of reply as follows: The BBC said that there was no requirement in Ofcom’s Broadcasting Code that allegations should be put at the earliest opportunity or during filming. The BBC said that it believed that the Complainants were given more than sufficient notice of the allegations being investigated to allow them to provide a considered response, as evidenced by email correspondence between the BBC and the Complainants and the BBC’s extended efforts to accommodate an interview with a representative of the Complainants. The BBC said that the fact that, closer to transmission, the Complainants were also provided with a script and copy of the programme, underlined the BBC’s commitment to provide a sufficient right of reply to what were very serious allegations. The BBC said that the email correspondence between the BBC and the Complainants made clear that the allegations were put clearly to the Complainants well before transmission of the programme and that the BBC made strenuous efforts to accommodate an interview with a representative of the Complainants in the programme. The BBC said that the first email from the reporter setting out the allegations which were being investigated was sent on 24 April 2008, nearly a month before the programme was broadcast. The BBC said that there followed an exchange of emails over the next three weeks where further requests for responses were made and information was provided by the Complainants. The BBC said that the reporter had asked in the first email for an interview with Dr Karan Singh, the Chairman of the Auroville Foundation. However, this invitation was declined. The BBC said that it was not true that it was only after strong protests from the Working Committee that the BBC agreed to conduct an interview. The BBC said that, during further discussions on 19 May 2008, it became clear that the Complainants were now interested in providing someone for interview for the programme, but that there appeared to have been internal confusion between Auroville’s Outreach Media1, the Working Committee and the International Board as to who would be dealing with the matter. At that stage, therefore, the BBC said that efforts resumed to try to provide facilities for a studio interview for Newsnight. On the morning of 20 May 2008, the BBC said that the script of the programme was sent to the Complainants and they replied with comments the following day. The BBC said that on the basis of the Complainants’ reply some minor amendments were made to the script. The BBC said that a recording of the programme was sent to the Complainants by email prior to transmission. The BBC said that it became evident by the afternoon of 21 May 2008 that a studio interview would not be logistically possible, and so alternative arrangements were made to interview Mr. Thieme by Skype for inclusion at the end of the programme. The BBC said that the interview covered the central issues in the programme: whether there was evidence for the allegations being made; the credibility of the witnesses; and the steps that the Complainants had taken to deal with allegations or suspicions of child abuse as they arose. The BBC said that Mr. Thieme responded at length to the questions put by Mr. Jeremy Paxman. The BBC said that given all of this, it could not agree that the Complainants were not given a sufficient right of reply. The BBC said that the main allegations were put to the Complainants well in advance of transmission, and the specific form in 1 The Auroville department set up to look after the logistics of visiting journalists, which the allegations would be made was clarified in the script and recording which were provided to the Complainants before transmission and before the interview with Mr. Thieme. The BBC said that it acknowledged that a studio interview would have been preferable to a telephone interview via Skype and that it used its best endeavors to arrange that but, because of the Complainants’ own internal confusion, it was left with insufficient time to do so. Nevertheless, the BBC said that the interview which took place provided sufficient opportunity for Mr. Thieme to respond fully to the allegations contained in the programme. The BBC’s Supplementary Statement As it appeared to Ofcom that there may be a fundamental misunderstanding between the parties about what the terms “Auroville” and “Aurovilian” covered, Ofcom asked the BBC to set out what it believed the definitions of Auroville and Aurovilians were. Were they a limited area with 2,000 residents over which the Complainants could exert some control, as the Complainants said, or a wider area and a wider group of people? The definition of Auroville the BBC said that the geographical definition of Auroville was a matter where the formal, legal position and the practical reality were not the same. The BBC said that the formal delineation of Auroville only began with the Auroville Act, which imposed a duty to provide a “Master Plan” for the Auroville project which would create a geographical definition. The BBC said that the Master Plan on the Complainants’ website showed that the population of Auroville exceeded by a considerable margin the 2,000 claimed by the Complainants, which referred only to Auroville residents – i.e. those that had been accepted into membership of the Auroville project. The BBC said that the Auroville boundaries had subsumed local villages whose residents did not fall into this category. The BBC said that a total of six villages were included in the central Auroville area, where some 8,000 local people lived. The BBC said that Auroville had proceeded to extend its limits by purchasing additional land, some of which was contiguous with the original area, and some of which was not. Locally, because of this growth, the BBC said that the area considered to be “Auroville” was much wider than the more narrowly-defined area over which the Complainants said they had jurisdiction, and the postal address “Auroville” was used to cover an area even wider than the land owned by Auroville. The BBC said that it was misleading to argue that the definition of Auroville’s limits should be confined to the central area. The BBC said that it believed that a broader, less legalistic understanding of the geographical limits of Auroville conformed more to the practical reality and that no unfairness necessarily attached to those parts of the programme complained of where that broader definition informed the allegations being made. Auroville Beach the BBC said that the issue of jurisdiction over Auroville beach did not rest upon determining legal ownership or whether it fell within a particular definition of Auroville. The BBC said that it believed that, while it was unarguably the case that the beach was publicly owned and not legally owned by Auroville, the Complainants were being disingenuous when they claimed that they had no jurisdiction over it. The BBC said the facts were that though they did not own it, the Complainants had a proprietary attitude towards the beach in question (situated in front of the Repos restaurant, which was owned by Auroville), and treated it as their own. The BBC said that it was on the section of beach controlled, if not owned, by Auroville, that the reporter observed a man taking a young boy into nearby huts. The BBC said that it was not clear whether the huts were on public land or the Repos land belonging to Auroville, but the man was observed with the boy on the section of beach to which the BBC said that the Complainants attempted to control access. The BBC said that a second European man with a very young local boy accompanying him was seen leaving the beach by the Repos exit, suggesting that he was highly likely to have been an Auroville member or guest. The BBC said that it did not believe therefore, that the fact that Auroville did not legally own the beach rendered the programme’s report of what was seen there unfair.
Mr. Keim
The BBC referred to a copy of a note which it said was provided by the Auroville Entry Group (which regulated the admission of Newcomers to Auroville) to Mr. Batra in 2004. The BBC said that the note was provided to Mr. Batra at a time when the Secretary of Auroville had instructed Working Committee members to co-operate with Mr. Batra in investigating the matter of Mr. Keim. The BBC said that the note, which the BBC said was drawn from the Entry Group’s file on Mr. Keim, revealed that: · Evidence of his activities with children first came to light between April and September 1996, yet Mr. Keim was granted a further visa extension (supported by the Auroville Visa Service) in September 1996. · Despite what was known about him, Mr. Keim’s “Newcomer process” was not terminated until April 1997. The BBC said that during that time he was allowed to carry on living in central Auroville, where children were put at risk by his presence. · Had the authorities been informed when the allegations first came to light, it was inconceivable that Mr. Keim would have been granted a visa extension in September 1996. The BBC said that despite the Complainants’ claim that they “informed the RRO” in September 1996, there was actually no record in the Auroville note that this happened, then or later. The BBC said that it did not dispute that Mr. Keim lived in
The Complainants’ comments on the BBC’s case
In summary, the Complainants responded to the BBC’s comments in relation to the head of complaint that the Complainants were portrayed unfairly as follows: i) Rampant child abuse In response to the BBC’s statement that the word “rampant” did not appear in the programme, the Complainants said that a programme could not be judged only by the exact words that were used in it and that what mattered was what the viewers took home. · The Complainants said that Mr. Batra was not excluded from Auroville because he tried to have the matter of child abuse addressed. They said that he had never contacted them on the matter of perceived child sexual abuse, nor had he ever campaigned publicly for the Complainants to take the issue seriously and investigate allegations. The Complainants said that Mr. Batra had not been involved in the case of Mr. Keim which was dealt with by them in 1996/1997, long before Mr. Batra came to Auroville as a guest. Nor was he involved in a case dealt with by the Complainants in October/November 2004.
The Complainants said that Mr. Nandhivarman had never contacted them on the matter of perceived child sexual abuse and that he only started his attacks on the Complainants in 2008 after the BBC broadcast the programme on Auroville. · The Complainants said that they believed that the witness Shiva was unreliable and was trying to “satisfy” the reporter. The Complainants said that another primary school existed a stones-throw from
The Complainants said that another reason was that the Entry Group had often questioned the motivation of many people from the villages wanting to join Auroville, as quite a few had no other objective than to increase their material prosperity and status. The Complainants said that the Entry Group included Tamil Aurovilians, who often hailed from the same villages as the people who wished to join. The Complainants said that they did not maintain separate statistics of where Indian Aurovilians come from, however by July 2009 Auroville had 2,120 residents, of which 904 were Indians. The Complainants said that a reliable estimate showed that of those 904 Indians, about 700 were Tamils, showing a preponderance of Tamil Aurovilians in the Auroville population. Referring to the interview with the anonymous villager, the Complainants said that it was quite reasonable to request the villager to sell the land to them if the land was located in the city or greenbelt area marked in the Master Plan of the future city if the villager was planning to sell the land. The Complainants said that it was illogical to even assume that they would take a villager to court if s/he didn’t want to sell land to them. The Complainants had no legal grounds to acquire the land mentioned in the Master Plan. The Master Plan had no legal power whatsoever, it was just a plan, and the Complainants would not stand any chance of success in court. iii) The Complainants said that the programme gave the impression that they were an anarchic sect and that this was communicated to the BBC by many people. The Complainants said that the BBC had ignored the condition that their original founder, The Mother, had made to achieving divine anarchy, namely that people need to be conscious of their psychic being and guided by it and that the ego’s authority and influence must disappear. Only under those conditions was divine anarchy a possibility. iv) The Complainants said that they considered the number of inaccuracies in the programme was so large that it justified the use of the word unfairness. They also considered it was unfair for the BBC to have broadcast the programme without correcting many inaccuracies and mistakes that had been pointed out by the Complainants. c) In summary, the Complainants responded to the BBC’s statement about no appropriate opportunity to respond as follows: The Complainants said that the time given to the Working Committee to comment on the transcript – less than 24 hours – was not sufficient The Complainants said that they did not agree that the reporter was open about the allegations a month before the programme was broadcast. They said that it was only after the reporter was back in
The Complainants said that they did not agree that there was any internal confusion. The issue was that most members of the Working Committee were on holiday or were going on holiday when the issue came to a head. The Complainants’ comments on the BBC’s supplementary statement. In summary, the Complainants responded to the BBC’s supplementary statement as follows:
Definition of Auroville
The Complainants said that the BBC’s submission that the inclusion of the villages in the Master Plan showed that the population of Auroville exceeded by a considerable margin the 2,000 claimed by the Complainants was a misunderstanding of the situation. The Complainants said that the villagers lived their own lives on their own land and in their own houses, which had never been part of or relatable to Auroville as defined in the Auroville Act. Furthermore, the Complainants said that the Auroville Act specified that a resident was to be registered in the Register of Residents maintained by the Secretary of the Auroville Foundation. The Complainants said that none of the villagers living in the villages mentioned in the Master Plan were registered in the Register of Residents, except those who had made the decision to join Auroville and had been admitted as residents. The Complainants said that Auroville did not own anywhere near all the land specified in the Master Plan. As much as 176 acres in the actual city area and approximately 2,000 acres in the encircling greenbelt area were owned by people from the surrounding villages. The Complainants said that it was incorrect for the BBC to say that access to privately-owned land could only be obtained via land owned by Auroville. The Complainants said that villagers had normal access to their land and that most roads in the Auroville area were public and did not belong to Auroville. The Complainants said that they could only account for what happened on the land and in the houses owned by them. They said that they had no control over, and nothing to say about what happened inside the villages, on village-owned land, on Government-owned land or on any public beach or road. The “Auroville” beach The Complainants said that Repos was a piece of land owned by Auroville which was located adjacent to the beach and was inhabited by residents of Auroville. They said it offered limited facilities to Aurovilians and Auroville guests on their way to and from the beach and those security guards posted near the Repos entrance gates checked if people were Aurovilians or guests of Auroville. The Complainants said that as hooliganism was on the increase, and as certain Indian men liked to harass foreign women dressed in beachwear, it had become necessary to install a guard on the beach. The Complainants said that such measures did not in any way imply that they controlled the beach. The Complainants said that non-Aurovilians and non-Auroville guests could walk around the perimeter of Repos (two minutes) to access the same stretch of beach in front of Repos or go to other parts of the beach. The Complainants had no authority to prevent anybody from using the beach in front of Repos, and as the BBC said, that often happened. The Complainants said that as they did not have a proprietary attitude towards the beach, the BBC’s suggestion that that attitude made the Complainants accountable for what happened on the beach was wrong. Mr. Keim The Complainants said that they had not found in the files of the Working Committee or in the files of the Secretary of the Auroville Foundation any instruction from the Secretary to the Working Committee to co-operate with Mr. Batra in this matter. In addition, they said that the note provided by the BBC was at certain points incorrect and did not contain full data. The Complainants therefore questioned whether Mr. Batra had received the note from the Entry Group in 2004. The Complainants said that the BBC had drawn conclusions from the note that was not borne out by the contents of the note. The Complainants said that the note did not show any evidence that Mr. Keim’s activities with children came to light between April and September 1996, it only stated that Mr. Keim was granted Newcomer status on 14 December 1995 and that a six month extension letter was issued to the Indian High Commission in
“Dear Sir,
This is regarding the case of Mr. Didier Keim, French national, who left Auroville on 08-04-1997. We have learned that this individual is still staying in the vicinity of Auroville. His presence is not desirable as he is suspected to be a paedophile. We have received reports from the Visitors’ Centre of Auroville that he was seen in this area with some local children. We request you to take urgent steps those persons are not allowed to stay in and around Auroville /
BBC’s response to the Complainants’ comments on the BBC’s case
In summary, the BBC responded to the Complainants’ comments as follows: Rampant child abuse The BBC said that it had nothing further to add to its statement in relation to this point. · The BBC said that Mr. Batra denied the claims made by the Complainants. The BBC said that when Mr. Batra was declared persona non grata by the Complainants in December 2004 the reason given was indeed that stated by the Complainants. However, Mr. Batra believed that was merely a pretext to remove him after he had assisted an individual in a legal action against an Auroville member and had raised issues of child abuse which the Complainants were reluctant to acknowledge and deal with. · The BBC said that it was plain from the fact that Mr. Nandhivarman was a source of information and contacts for the reporter that his concerns about child abuse at Auroville must have predated the broadcast of the programme, as indeed they did. The BBC said that the fact that he had not been writing a public blog on the issue did not mean that he did not have serious concerns. The BBC also said that the fact that Mr. Nandhivarman was publicly criticizing the Complainants did not undermine his status as a witness, given that the testimony which he provided to the programme was corroborated by other witnesses. · In relation to Mr. Keim, the BBC said that it believed that the case of Mr. Keim clearly demonstrated that the Complainants’ approach to dealing with allegations of child abuse had been open to criticism, and had placed children at risk. The BBC said that it had now obtained, from the criminal court in
In response to the Complainants’ statement that the BBC was not justified in suggesting that the Complainants handled any other cases in the same way as Mr. Keim’s case because it had provided no evidence for the existence of other cases, the BBC attached a statement from a former teacher at the New Creation School, who described how the Complainants responded when she raised concerns of “highly inappropriate” behavior by a teacher at the school. The BBC said it believed that the statement spoke for itself.
The case of Mr. Keim: The BBC said that the Complainants’ latest claims in respect of Mr. Keim’s case were astonishing. The BBC said that it followed, that the Complainants could not claim to have been unfairly treated by the programme where allegations made by the programme relied upon what was presented as fact by the Complainants themselves. The BBC said that in response, the Complainants now claimed that they couldn’t have taken any other action because they did not, after all, have any idea that he was abusing children. The BBC said that it believed that this argument was wholly specious. The Complainants’ final response in respect of the former teacher only in response to the statement of the former teacher, the Complainants attached five statements which they said showed that her statement, as evidence of other cases, could not be sustained. Decision Ofcom’s statutory duties include the application, in the case of all television and radio services, of standards which provide adequate protection to members of the public and all other persons from unfair treatment and unwarranted infringement of privacy in, or in the making of, programmes included in such services. In carrying out its duties, Ofcom has regard to the need to secure that the application of these standards is in the manner that best guarantees an appropriate level of freedom of expression. Ofcom is also obliged to have regard, in all cases, to the principles under which regulatory activities should be transparent, accountable, proportionate and consistent and targeted only at cases in which action is needed. In reaching its decision, Ofcom considered all the relevant material provided by both parties. This included a recording and transcript of the programme as broadcast, both parties’ written submissions and supporting material. a) i) Ofcom first considered the complaint that the Complainants were unfairly portrayed because the programme wrongly and unfairly suggested that paedophilia was “rampant” in Auroville and that “nothing” was being done about it. Ofcom considered whether the programme makers’ actions ensured that the programme as broadcast avoided unjust or unfair treatment of the Complainants, as set out in Rule 7.1 of the Ofcom Broadcasting Code (“the Code”). In particular, Ofcom considered whether the programme makers took reasonable care to satisfy themselves that material facts were not presented, disregarded or omitted in a way that was unfair to the Complainants (as outlined in Practice 7.9 of the Code). Ofcom noted that the BBC accepted that the programme had suggested that there was a serious problem of child abuse involving some residents of Auroville which had not been effectively addressed by the Complainants, but that it did not accept that the programme suggested paedophilia was “rampant” in Auroville or that “nothing” was being done about it. Having viewed the programme as broadcast, Ofcom considered that “rampant” was too strong a characterization of the allegations of child abuse reported by the programme. In Ofcom’s view, the programme presented allegations that there was a serious and widespread problem of child abuse in Auroville. In addition, Ofcom considered that the suggestion that “nothing” was being done by the Complainants about child abuse in Auroville was not made by the programme. Instead, Ofcom considered that the allegations presented in the programme were that the Complainants’ response to the issue of child abuse in Auroville was ineffective and inadequate. Ofcom noted that these were relatively fine distinctions, that the allegations presented were of a serious nature and that the BBC did not seek to rely solely on the precise wording of the complaint, but instead presented evidence addressing the issue of paedophilia and the Complainants’ response to it.Ofcom therefore proceeded to consider whether the Complainants were unfairly portrayed because the programme suggested that child abuse was a serious and widespread problem in Auroville and that the Complainants’ response to it was ineffective and inadequate. The parties submitted a substantial amount of material to Ofcom including material gathered after the broadcast of the programme. It should be noted, however, that Ofcom’s role was not to establish whether child abuse was in fact a serious and widespread problem in Auroville or whether the response to it by the Complainants was ineffective and inadequate. Ofcom’s role was to determine whether, in broadcasting the allegations, the programme makers took reasonable care not to present, disregard or omit material facts in a way that was unfair to the Complainants.
The Code recognizes the freedom of broadcasters to broadcast matters of genuine public interest and seeks to ensure that, in presenting serious allegations, they take reasonable care not to do so in a way that causes unfairness to individuals or organizations. In this case, Ofcom recognized that it was in the public interest to report on allegations such as those covered by the programme, but that this needed to be consistent with the requirement of fairness and other requirements of the Code. The programme presented a number of allegations regarding the Complainants and items of evidence, including statements from individuals and extracts from the Complainants’ intranet. The Complainants’ rejection of the allegations was noted at certain points in the report itself and more comprehensively in the broadcast interview by Mr. Jeremy Paxman of Mr. Carel Thieme at the end of the report. The key items of evidence and the manner in which they were presented are set out below:
Interview with Mr. Raj Batra : In summary, Mr. Batra, a former guest in Auroville, said in the programme that after villagers complained to him about allegations of child abuse by Aurovilians and visiting tourists he had spoken to people in Auroville about it and had been asked whether the allegations concerned the children of villagers or of Aurovilians. Given it was the former, Mr. Batra said they said “then it’s nothing to do with us”. He also noted that Auroville was “the kind of environment in which every parasite is going to turn up and get away with a hell of a lot of abuse and exploitation” and was in an underdeveloped part of India with weak institutions, with the clear implication that the Complainants were not fulfilling their obligations in that context. The Complainants stated that Mr. Batra had a grudge against them and also stated in their response to the BBC after receipt of the proposed transcript of the programme that Mr. Batra was asked to leave Auroville for making false representations about his passport and background and due to complaints about “anti-social and destructive behaviour”. The BBC stated that Mr. Batra considered this to have been a pretext and that he believed the real reason for his removal related to his complaints about child abuse in the community. Ofcom noted that Mr. Batra and the Complainants disagreed about the reasons for his departure from Auroville and the motives for his statements in the programme. However, the fact that there was a dispute about Mr. Batra’s motives was not in itself necessarily a reason not to include his allegations. Mr. Thieme in his interview at the end of the report made it clear that the Complainants disputed the substance of Mr. Batra’s allegations. He stated: “I do not accept the statements which have been made in the … transcript which we were shown this morning … I think that the script was full of inaccuracies, innuendos and accusations without being substantiated in any way”. “Well the question is why … any of those witnesses haven’t come to any of the relevant authorities … None of them have ever bothered to complain, so what’s the value of these kind of witnesses?”. Ofcom noted that the reporter’s comment that “He [Mr. Batra] left [Auroville] after villagers complained to him about child abuse from Aurovilians and also visiting tourists”, took at face value the reasons given by Mr. Batra for his leaving Auroville, even though the Complainants’ response to the script made it clear those reasons were disputed. Ofcom considered that there could have been merit in the BBC including a statement in the programme that the Complainants disputed not just the substance of Mr. Batra’s allegations but also his motives for making them. However, Ofcom considered, given that it was clear from the programme that Mr. Batra had left Auroville and was now making serious allegations about the Complainants, viewers would have been in a position to decide what weight to attach to Mr. Batra’s contributions to the programme. As a result, Ofcom did not consider that the absence of a qualifying statement in the circumstances of the programme as a whole meant that the broadcaster had presented, disregarded or omitted material facts in relation to Mr. Batra’s statements in a way that was unfair to the Complainants.
Interview with Mr. N Nandhivarman
In summary, Mr. Nandhivarman, a local politician, said paedophiles were not necessarily Aurovilians, but often tourists who heard about the availability of sex and came to stay in Auroville as visitors. He expressed concern that many were slipping through the net as the local police turned a blind eye and some people were simply being deported from Auroville. Following the allegations about Mr. Keim, he stated that “until a man is publicly exposed, they [the Complainants] shield him” before “technically” expelling him. The Complainants stated that Mr. Nandhivarman had a history of antipathy towards them and also stated in their immediate response to the BBC on receiving the transcript of the programme that the “shielding” statement was absolutely incorrect. The Complainants also said that Mr. Nandhivarman was not referring to the situation in Auroville, but in nearby
Interview with an anonymous villager, “Sundrun”
In summary, Sundrun, the name applied to an anonymous local villager, said he had been abused from the age of 10 by an Aurovilian white man and that abuse was still occurring involving other children at a beach near Auroville and areas around it. It was clear from the fact that the programme depicted Sundrun as an adult and his use of the past tense when describing his own experience that the events described happened some time ago. The Complainants, in their immediate response to the BBC on receiving the transcript of the programme, expressed sympathy for Sundrun’s personal situation but said that had he informed the Complainants of the allegations, the offender would have been removed from Auroville and a police case would have been started immediately. In their complaint to Ofcom, the Complainants claimed that the programme had suggested that Sundrun had reported the abuse to the Complainants who had taken no action. Ofcom did not consider the programme implied Sundrun had reported his allegations to the Complainants at the time. As a result, in Ofcom’s view, the broadcaster took reasonable care not to present, disregard or omits material facts in relation to Sundrun’s personal situation in a way that resulted in unfairness to the Complainants. Interview with an anonymous villager, “Shiva” Shiva, the name applied to an anonymous local villager, stated in the programme: “Some children here are currently being abused, particularly in the
Interview with Mr. Gilles Guigan
Mr. Guigan stated in the programme: “Basically the project of Auroville is the ideal society and any society can only reflect the quality of its members. You cannot have an ideal society with no ideal members”. The Complainants considered Mr. Guigan’s comments were used out of context to support the programme’s allegations regarding child abuse in Auroville. Mr. Guigan himself provided a statement, via the Complainants, in support of the complaint stating his objections to the manner in which the reporter secured an interview and the fact his interview was used in a programme reporting serious allegations about the Complainants which he did not support. Ofcom considered it was clear from the context in which Mr. Guigan’s comments appeared in the programme as broadcast that they did not relate specifically to allegations of child abuse made earlier in the programme, but referred to the aspiration of Auroville to become an ideal society. In the circumstances, Ofcom did not consider that Mr. Guigan’s comments were presented out of context and did not result in unfairness to the Complainants.
Mr. Ram Kumar Raj
Mr. Raj stated in the programme: “The sexual abuse issue has to be taken seriously by this Foundation, Auroville Foundation, they should scrutinize people stepping into their Foundation or visiting their Foundation, or they want to stay at their Foundation, make it very clear their intention – that if you are coming to our Foundation, you should follow the things and we will be watching you”. Mr. Raj said, in a letter to the Working Committee after the programme was broadcast (included in the Complainants’ submission to Ofcom), that his broadcast statement was taken out of context and that he did not have specific concerns about child abuse in Auroville, but had instead told the reporter that Auroville, like everyone else in the area, had to take the problem seriously and scrutinize visitors staying there. The BBC indicated that from his interview it was quite clear that Mr. Raj had concerns directed specifically at issues of child abuse in and around Auroville itself. Ofcom viewed the unedited interview with Mr. Raj and noted that, as the programme said, part of his work related to educating children about child abuse and how to avoid it. It appeared to Ofcom that Mr. Raj’s concern about child abuse stemmed from the increase in tourism to the
Comments of the reporter
The reporter said that she herself had seen, in the space of two hours at a beach near Auroville, two separate men with two young Indian boys, one of whom was taken to a beach hut. She said that, when she asked locals what was going on, she had been told “boyfriends”. She prefaced her personal observations with the comment that, “This is the beach where Aurovilians hang out with family and friends. It’s also the beach where westerners come to pick up young Indian children”.
The Complainants stated that what the reporter said she saw was not evidence that child abuse took place on the beach and also stated in their immediate response to the BBC on receiving the transcript of the programme that the reporter’s comments implied Aurovilians were the abusers, that the reporter had “malicious intent” and that the beach was 5 km outside Auroville, was a public beach accessible by anyone and was not under their control. The reporter presented herself as a witness and described what she said she saw. Ofcom did not agree that the reporter’s comments implied Aurovilians themselves or their guests were the abusers. In Ofcom’s view, the clear implication was that child abuse was taking place in the beach huts and that was a fair implication to draw from what the reporter said she witnessed. The parties agreed that the beach described by the reporter was not owned by Auroville and presented significant amounts of evidence regarding its status. In essence, the issue was whether the BBC ought to have appreciated that it had so little connection with Auroville that it should not have presented the reporter’s comments as having any bearing on whether child abuse was a serious and widespread problem in Auroville and whether the Complainants’ response to it was effective or adequate. Ofcom noted that the programme did not state that the beach was owned by Auroville; merely that it was used by Aurovilians and other westerners. However, the reporter asked while still at the beach, “so is Auroville doing enough to address a practice that seems so brazen?”, which indicated to viewers that the Complainants should do something in response to activities which the reporter alleged happened quite openly on the beach frequented by Aurovilians and guests as well as others. Ofcom considered that the issue of legal ownership of the beach did not render the inclusion of the reporter’s description of what she had seen at the beach unfair. In this context, the question raised by the reporter as to whether the Complainants’ response was sufficient did not result in unfairness to the Complainants. Extracts from the Complainants’ intranet The programme referred to postings on the Complainants’ intranet. The reporter stated: “One posting openly refers to worries about abuse at the
Over scrolling footage of another posting from the Complainants’ intranet “visa has been cancelled. He has … and deported” the reporter stated: “Auroville admits that allegations of sexual abuse have been made against several of their members. Some have been told they can no longer work in
In Ofcom’s view, even though the first extract from the Complainants’ intranet was from 2003, it was not unfair to include it in the programme to support an assertion that there were concerns within the community about alleged abuse. In addition, even though the second extract did not in fact relate to child abuse allegations, the Complainants had admitted (including in the broadcast interview with Mr. Thieme) they had asked people to leave and reported them to the RRO following what they said were unproven allegations of child abuse, so the second extract did not result in unfairness to the Complainants. Description of the case of Mr. Didier Keim The programme described the case of Mr. Keim, a French citizen who the Complainants stated was given “Newcomer” status in December 1995 and who had contact with children at the New Creation settlement. The reporter stated in the programme: “One man who worked at this school was Frenchman Didier Keim. Despite having a previous conviction for paedophilia in
a)ii) Ofcom considered the complaint that the Complainants were unfairly portrayed because it was suggested wrongly and unfairly that they exploited the local Tamil villagers, that few ever become members of Auroville and that they feared reprisals from the Complainants if they spoke out. Ofcom considered whether the programme makers’ actions ensured that the programme as broadcast avoided unjust or unfair treatment of the Complainants, as set out in Rule 7.1 of the Code. In particular, Ofcom considered whether the programme makers took reasonable care to satisfy themselves that material facts were not presented, disregarded or omitted in a way that was unfair to the Complainants (as outlined in Practice 7.9 of the Code).
The programme reported allegations made by Tamil villagers that, as well as the alleged child abuse referred to above, there was exploitation and that local people were afraid to speak out for fear of reprisals by Aurovilians. In response to the transcript sent to them, the Complainants stated it was untrue that there was exploitation and that they were an “excellent neighbour”. Ofcom noted that the programme included a statement at the end of the report reflecting some of the positive aspects of the Complainants’ involvement in the local community, stating that: “It is also clear that Auroville has a good record in helping the local community. They run schools, employ villagers and when the Tsunami struck
In response to this claim, Ofcom noted that that prior to broadcast the Complainants informed the BBC that there was no question of recriminations, that there had never been an incident of reprisal by them and that they depended upon the goodwill of their neighbours. While Ofcom noted that the Complainants’ response on this particular point was not included in the programme, it recognized that the statement of Sundrun included in the programme made clear that concerns about reprisals were directly linked to the villagers’ dependence upon the Complainants for work. Ofcom considered that viewers would have understood reluctance by villagers to criticize the source of their employment and benefits and, in that context; Ofcom did not consider that the claims about fear and reprisals would have materially affected viewers’ understanding of the Complainants in a way that was unfair to them. The programme also did not allege that local people’s fear of reprisals or for their livelihoods, or their view that exploitation took place was justified, merely that the concern had been expressed by local Tamil villagers. The Complainants themselves accepted in their response to the BBC script that there was a degree of tension at times which they put down to distrust of the “internationalism” of Auroville and unequal income levels. In the circumstances, Ofcom considered that the BBC had taken reasonable care not to present, disregard or omit material facts in relation to this allegation in a way that resulted in unfairness to the Complainants.
a) iii) Ofcom considered the complaint that the Complainants were unfairly portrayed because the programme suggested wrongly and unfairly that they were an anarchic sect. Ofcom considered whether the programme makers’ actions ensured that the programme as broadcast avoided unjust or unfair treatment of the Complainants, as set out in Rule 7.1 of the Code. In particular, Ofcom considered whether the programme makers took reasonable care to satisfy themselves that material facts were not presented, disregarded or omitted in a way that was unfair to the Complainants (as outlined in Practice 7.9 of the Code). Ofcom noted that the statements made at separate points in the course of the programme that the Complainants took exception to and which they considered portrayed them as an anarchic sect were: “the anarchic utopian vision”, “Aurovilians aspire to something called divine anarchy – no rules, no leaders”, “one of the issues is that Auroville doesn’t really have a leadership structure”, “but many feel Auroville and Pondicherry have slipped beneath the radar”, “induction takes one year” and “they undergo a year’s induction before they become full members”. In response to the transcript sent to them, the Complainants made clear that they had a complex leadership and management structure, as set out in the Auroville Act, that they had rules, such as their detailed Admission Policy, that they had no aspiration for no rules and no leaders and that they were not a sect as suggested by the word “initiation” which the BBC changed to “induction” in the programme as broadcast While Ofcom noted that it was incorrect to say that the Complainants had no leadership structure, it did not consider that, when looking at the programme as a whole, it made allegations that the Complainants were anarchic or that the use of the term “induction” portrayed them as a sect in the pejorative sense. Instead, the “anarchic” references had been to the vision and aspiration of the Complainants, rather than to their current status. In the circumstances, Ofcom did not consider that the programme portrayed the Complainants as an “anarchic sect” or that the references resulted in unfairness to the Complainants. Ofcom has not therefore upheld the complaint in this respect.
a) iv) Ofcom considered the complaint that the Complainants were unfairly portrayed because the programme contained numerous other inaccuracies which contributed to the unfair portrayal, including suggestions that: · 16,000 Tamil villagers lived in Auroville; · The Complainants were partly financed by the Indian Government; and · Auroville’s members paid no tax. Furthermore, much of the footage broadcast was not of Auroville, but of surrounding farmland, villages and
b) Ofcom considered the complaint that the Complainants were treated unfairly because the programme broadcast material obtained by deception. Ofcom considered whether the programme makers’ actions ensured that the programme as broadcast avoided unjust or unfair treatment of the Complainants, as set out in Rule 7.1 of the Code. In particular, Ofcom took into account Practice 7.14 of the Code, which states that programme makers should not normally obtain or seek material through misrepresentation or deception, but provides that it may be warranted to do so without consent if that is in the public interest and the material cannot reasonably be obtained by other means. Ofcom noted that the reporter represented herself as making a programme about the philosophy and idealism of Auroville on its 40th anniversary, rather than about allegations of child abuse. The Complainants only found out about the agenda of the programme after the reporter had left
c) Ofcom considered the complaint that the Complainants were treated unfairly because they were not given an appropriate and timely opportunity to respond to the allegations made in the programme as broadcast. Ofcom considered whether the programme makers’ actions ensured that the programme as broadcast avoided unjust or unfair treatment of the Complainants, as set out in Rule 7.1 of the Code. In particular, Ofcom considered Practice 7.11 which requires that, if a programme alleges wrongdoing or incompetence or makes other significant allegations, those concerned should normally be given an appropriate and timely opportunity to respond. The programme reported serious allegations and, in fairness to the Complainants, it was therefore particularly important to provide them with an appropriate and timely opportunity to respond. However, Ofcom recognized that what constitutes an appropriate and timely opportunity to respond depends on the circumstances and that there was no requirement for the reporter necessarily to raise the allegations with the Complainants during her time in
Ofcom noted that after the reporter returned to the
In the circumstances, Ofcom has not upheld the complaint in this respect. Accordingly, Ofcom has not upheld Mr. Thieme’s complaint on behalf of The Auroville Foundation and the community of Auroville of unfair treatment in the programme as broadcast.
AUROBINDO ASHRAM DEVOTEES WASH DIRTY LINEN
Posted in Ashram Case, People's warriors on 03/16/2010 02:50 pm by Nandhi VarmanSerial 2
Is the book on Aurobindo banned in India, if so why?
The Government of Orissa, Home [Special Department] by Notification No: 1612/ C dated 9.04.2009 had banned a book.
“ Whereas on careful consideration of materials place on record, it appears to the State Government that the book titled as The Lives of Sri Aurobindo, written by Mr.Peter Heehs and published by Columbia University Press, New York, USA contain objectionable matters depicting distorted facts about the life and character of Aurobindo. And whereas the State Government on the following ground is of the opinion that the said book contains matters which are deliberately and maliciously intended to insult religious beliefs of millions who idolize Aurobindo as a national hero and incarnation of Almighty and which promotes communal disaffection affecting public peace and tranquility, the publication of which is punishable under sections 295A and 153 A of Indian Penal Code, 1860 [45 of 1860] namely:
A] the book depicts wrong and distorted facts on the life and character of Aurobindo which is clearly blasphemous
B] the book contains absurd, irrelevant and self made stories which do not have any scriptural support and had caused widespread indignation amongst the devotees
C] the writings portrayed in the book have seriously hurt the sentiments of the apostles of Aurobindo and the said book with deliberate and malicious intention has insulted the religious beliefs of millions.
D} the said book, inter alia narrates at page 245 that “But those familiar with the literature of psychiatry and clinical psychiatry may be struck by the similarity between Aurobindo’s powers and experiences and the symptoms of schizophrenia”
E] it is mentioned at page 399 that “early in the afternoon the mother rejoined him, and they walked together to a small room where they sat together in a sofa, the Mother on Aurobindo’s right. Here they remained in for the next few hours as ashramites and visitors more than 3000 by the end of 1940 s passed before them one by one. There is no suggestion of a vulgar jostle anywhere in the moving procession, a visitor noted. The mystic sits bare bodied except for a part of dhothi thrown around his shoulders. A kindly light plays in his eyes. Aurobindo looked directly at each person for a moment. The moving visitor is conscious of a particular contact with these eyes as he bends down to do his obeisance. They leave upon him a mysterious feel that baffles description. The contact almost physical, instills a faint sense of a fragrance into his heart and he has a perception of a glow akin to that spreading in every fibre of his being. 147 most visitors had similarly positive experiences. But some, particularly those from the West were distracted by the theatricality of the setting and religiosity of the pageantry.
Now therefore in exercise of the powers conferred by sub section 1 of section 95 of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973 [2 of 1974] the State Government do hereby declare that every copy of the book titled The Lives of Sri Aurobindo written by Peter Heehs and published by Columbia University Press, New York, USA, its copies, reprints, translations or other documents contains extracts taken there from be forfeited by the Government.
By order of Government: A.P.Padhi Principal Secretary to Government.
► How did Auroville foreigners react to the ban on a book by fellow foreigners?
They have a separate web site: www.iyfundamentalism.info
There they condemn the: Fundamentalism in the Sri Aurobindo Ashram
We, the writers on this site, are concerned about recent actions by a vocal minority among the followers or devotees of Sri Aurobindo, and reactions by impressionable masses inside and outside the Sri Aurobindo Ashram. There are signs of attempts to turn the Integral Yoga of Sri Aurobindo and the Mother into a religion with some of the characteristics of fundamentalism.
The word “fundamentalism” is often misused. Coined around 1920 to refer to certain sects of Protestant Christians in the
► How do the Ashram devotees counter this defence by Auroville foreigners club?
They have created a web site to counter the propaganda:
Mr.Shraddhalu Ranade in his open letter to Auroville and Centers dated 1 st May 2009 had lashed at the foreigners especially David Hutchinson, Rich Carlson and their Indian associate Debashish Banerjee. He refers to the circular Integral Yoga Fundamentalism signed by these three dated 16 th April 2009 to which Mr.Shraddhalu Ranade issues rejoinder on 1 st May 2009.
In his rejoinder Mr.Shraddhalu Ranade states “More seriously these factual distortions are intended to lead readers to conclusions which seriously damage the reputation and integrity of Aurobindo and his message. Some of the damaging conclusions promoted by The Lives include:
●that Sri Aurobindo was a frequent liar, and among other things, that he lied about his supramental experiences.
●that he was sexually desperate and frustrated
● that his spiritual experiences are questionable and ultimately irrelevant
● that he had a streak of inherited madness
●that there was nothing new in his writings, and what little is new is a] unacceptable or b] outdated or c] incorrect
● that his poetry is expressive of sexual frustration and its style outdated
● that his relationship with Mother was of romantic nature
So goes on Mr.Shraddhalu Ranade in his charge sheet against the book written by Mr.Peters Heehs of Aurobindo Ashram Archives.
► Is the Trust divided on Peter Heehs issue?
Here also in nutshell Mr.Shraddhalu Ranade had placed the status report.
Manoj Das Gupta, Managing Trustee of SAAT by letter dated 5 th October 2008 writes: “Heehs was so obsessed with the antihagiography idea that in order to prove his credentials to be an objective biographer, he has at several places crossed limits of simple decency
Dilip Dutta Trustee SAAT by letter dated 11 th November 2008 writes: “we had talked to the author and informed him about our displeasure regarding certain aspects of the book and had taken adequately the necessary disciplinary steps.
This seems to be the SAAT stand, whereas Auroville foreigners are up in arms against the devotees.
Both sides are washing dirty linen in public. If journalists and scholars of this land go through their exchanges they can dig many facts hitherto unheard in academic world.
To continue…
N.Nandhivarman General Secretary Dravida Peravai
UK URGED TO RECOGNIZE TAMIL EELAM GOVT IN EXILE
Posted in Politics, Tamil Eelam on 03/12/2010 03:10 pm by Nandhi VarmanAppeal to Presidents/Prime Ministers of Member nations of European
Union to support Tamil Eelam Government in Exile
Hon’ble Mr. Gordon Brown. 12.03.2010
Prime Minister of
And
Hon’ble David Miliband
Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs
Respected Prime Minister
Respected Secretary of State
We from
We would like you to revisit January 1994 in your memory lane: A Year that led to the dissolution of three multinational federations namely
European nations granted conditional recognition to these states. Therefore a precedent exists. When Tamil Eelam was struggling for independence Tamil Diaspora living in almost all of the European nations was in streets urging these nations to step in to redeem Tamils of Eelam from a genocidal war. Necessary alarm bells have been sounded and European nations which had established norms to recognize new nation states, could have applied their collective mind and proven their political will by extending the precedent to Tamil Eelam. But alas! That historical opportunity was lost by the saviors of civilized democracy whereas freedom aspiring people of Tamil Eelam failed to win recognition for their homeland nation.
In December 1991 EC Council of Ministers chose to recognize Yugoslav and [Soviet] Republics seeking independence. It was a conditional recognition. What are those conditions? Let me quote in verbatim:
“The European Community and its member states confirm their attachment to the principles of Helsinki Final Act and the Charter of Paris, in particular the principle of self determination. They affirm their readiness to recognize, subject to the normal standards of international law, those states which following the historic changes in the region, have constituted themselves on a democratic basis, have accepted the international obligations and have committed themselves in good faith to a peaceful process and to negotiations. Therefore, they adopt a common position on the process of recognition of these new states, which requires:
► respect for the provisions of the Charter of United Nations and the commitment subscribed to the Final act of Helsinki and in the Charter of Paris, especially with regard to rule of law, democracy and human rights.
► guarantees for the rights of ethnic and national groups and minorities in accordance with the commitments subscribed in the framework of CSCE
► respect the inviolability of all frontiers which can only be changed by peaceful means and by common agreements
► acceptance of all relevant commitments with regard to disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation as well as to security and regional stability.
► commitment to settle by agreement, including where appropriate recourse to arbitration, all questions concerning state succession and regional disputes.
Let me remind you humbly the above quoted, Declaration on Guidelines on the Recognition of new states in Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union and the Declaration on
Let me also remind the precedent laid by British Prime Minister Winston Churchill during the Second World War when he endorsed the setting up of Free French Government in Exile headed by Charles De Gaulle in British soil. Now that Tamil Eelam is under occupation by forces of aggression recognition of Tamil Eelam Government after establishing it within Srilanka would not be possible today, though it could be justified. As immediate step
Perhaps
To enlighten European Union and to awaken the Indian Union it would be our duty as responsible political party in
Let me quote from the International Commission of Jurists, “The events in East Pakistan 1971’ [Geneva ICJ, 1972 page 69] “If one of the constituent peoples of a State is denied equal rights and is discriminated against, it is submitted that their full right of self determination will revive” It must be noted that self determination here meant the right to independence.
The Dublin Report of the People’s Tribunal which comes as annexure is one more recent indictment against the Rajapakshe Government. Hence we urge the nations of European Union collectively to recognize the right of self determination of Tamils of Eelam, and allow the setting up of a Government in Exile in their soil with their recognition.
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, as adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly resolution 2200A (XXI) of 16 December 1966 entry into force 23 March 1976, in accordance with Article 49 , PART II ,Article 2 States: 1. Each State Party to the present Covenant undertakes to respect and to ensure to all individuals within its territory and subject to its jurisdiction the rights recognized in the present Covenant, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.
We are ready to prove that on each count Srilanka had miserably failed, wantonly violated the provision, ever since it got independence. Tamils of Eelam were never for independence nor for total dependence but were for interdependence, and all democratic demands endorsed by Eelam Tamils in elections and voiced through their elected Parliamentarians were never fulfilled in past and in present too, even after claiming victory there seems to be no magnanimity or maturity to meet an international obligation to Tamil minorities, who first sought federalism and when failed to attain waged a civil war, and having lost the war Tamils are treated like slaves in their own soil. It is here we appeal to your conscience to consider other options for Tamils of Eelam.
Srilanka: Ground Reality
As long as article 2 of Srilankan Constitution says “the
Then the other dangerous provision from the Tamils stand point is article 76 which states “Parliament shall not abdicate or in any manner alienate its legislative power and shall not set up any authority with legislative power”. If there is no political devolution or political decentralization, what the Government of Srilanka plans to offer on platter to Tamils is nothing but slavery.
Whoever headed or heads the Srilankan Government, they were never for resolving the conflict satisfying the legitimate demands of the Eelam Tamils. This has to be borne in mind. The past must be evaluated before accepting at face value the verbal gymnastics of Srilankan President Mr.Mahinda Rajapakshe.
Minimum Demands that were never met:
The following would have satisfied legitimate demands of Eelam Tamils, if Srilankan Government had offered before launching the current genocidal war against Eelam Tamils.
A] Repeal of the Article 2 of Srilankan Constitution to pave way for the introduction of federal form of governance, or for a con-federal system of government
B] Repeal of Article 76 to allow political devolution
C] Amending the Article 18 to declare that “the official languages of Srilanka shall be Sinhala and Tamil, enforceable throughout the country without any restrictions.
D] Amending Article 9 to delete “the foremost place” granted to Buddhism and to declare Srilanka a secular state.
These could be termed as minimum demands that could have satiated the Tamils of Eelam before current genocidal war. These were the demands voiced from much before British left Ceylon, and were the theme of many broken pacts and failed promises, in which Srilankan Governments remains the unique country that adopted ethnic cleansing through genocide successfully, while the conscience keepers of this world must rise up to the occasion even though belatedly to support Tamil Eelam Government in Exile.
Government of Srilanka, known for treachery which current breed of politicians may have erased from memory withheld amnesty to 1250 Tamil political prisoners. This was done by twisting the amnesty clause to say that it applied only to NEP and not offences committed outside
Now, to trust Mr.Rajapakshe that after eliminating terrorism, he has a peace formula under his red towel, which he will wave along with olive branch, would amount to total ignorance of the history of betrayals, for which many Sinhalese rulers till now are held accountable before the conscience of the world.
Racial Riots in 1883 hit Christians in 1902 Dalits, in 1915 Muslims, in 1930 Malayalees, then Plantation Tamils and from 1983 Eelam Tamils:
Nazism is not dead, and just because it thrives in a tiny island, it need not be condoned or ignored. The problem with Sinhalese is not Tamil-phobia. They are against everybody. The seeds of hatred are ingrained in their brains. A scholar Kumari Jayewardene, a Sinhalese herself, had chronicled the history of clashes and communal unrest in Srilanka. The starting point of Tamil Sinhala ethnic clashes are considered to be 1983. But hundred years before that, in 1883 the Sinhalese turned their ire against Catholics. The Buddhist religious firebrand Anagarika Dharmapala criticizes the British for their religion.
“When the ancestors of the present holders of our beloved land were running naked in the forests of Britain with their bodies painted and later on when their ancestors had gone under the imperial rule of Rome and some of them were being sold as slaves in the market place of Rome, our ancestors were already enjoying the fruits of glorious and peaceful civilization. Buddhism was the religion of the state in
Born to parents who are cross breed between a Lion and a Princess that too born to a brother and sister incest couple, the unruly Vijayan driven by his father with such credentials, landed in Srilanka and married local women, i.e. Tamil, even a Pandyan princess. Then how come Sinhalese can claim racial superiority or purity. Like Anglo Indians, they are half Tamil, half foreign. So assuming they are racially superior, the Sinhalese called Christians barbarians and launched attacks in 1883. Then in 1915, Sinhalese wanted to drive away the North Indian and South Indian Muslims.
“The Mohammedans, an alien people, who in the early part of the nineteenth century were common traders, by Shylockan methods became prosperous like the Jews. The alien South Indian Mohammedan comes to Ceylon, sees the neglected illiterate villagers without any experience in trade, without any knowledge of any kind of technical industry and isolated from whole of Asia on account of his language, religion and race, and the result the Mohammedan thrives and the son of the soil goes to the wall……..What the German is to the British that the Mohammedan is to the Sinhalese by religion, race and language. He traces his origin to
Readers of both the quotes from a Sinhala firebrand who planted seeds of hatred between communities and who is one among those who ignited communal clashes must take note of a contradiction in his statement. While speaking about British in 1883 he claims Sinhalese were enjoying the fruits of glorious and peaceful civilization. But in 1915, he admits that Sinhalese have no experience in trade and are without any kind of knowledge. Then how could they be the architects of the glorious and peaceful civilization. And that civilization must be of the Tamils, who can establish the fact with historical and archaeological evidences right up to
In between 1883 and 1915, other unfortunate riots hit the dalits from
Between 1871-1881 when coffee, tea plantations came up in large numbers in
Donoughmore Commission had recommended that for all those who had lived for 5 years and above citizenship rights must be conferred. Ceylonese Government did not accept that recommendation, thus the crisis started. In 1940 both
The irony is that in 1942 Ceylonese Government itself had written to Indian Government requesting
D.S.Senanayaka, first Prime Minister of Ceylon amended the 8 th article of the Citizenship Act and disenfranchised plantation Tamils called as Malayaga Tamils. He passed in Parliament the amendment by the year 1949 and removed people of Indian origin from the voters list. That is how the voting rights of plantation Tamils who chose 7 Members to Parliament were deprived from them. Then Indian origin people were asked to apply for citizenship. 8, 25,000 people applied for citizenship. Only to 1, 00,000 people Ceylonese citizenship was granted. To resolve this deadlock at
“All American people were once migrants from
Sinhala Racism in Parliament:
Mr.D.M.Chandrapala, Sinhalese Buddhist Member of Parliament from Kundasale spoke the following words in Srilankan Parliament on July 1981. “Now Sir… what should we do to this so called leader of the Tamils? If I were given the power, I would tie him to the nearest concrete post in this building and horses whip him till I rise to his wits. Thereafter let anybody do anything he likes, throw him into the Beire [lake] or into the sea, because he will be so mutilated that I do not think there will be life in him. That is war.”
Can anyone in civilized world in any of the democracies of the world, could have heard such a speech. That speech too is against democratically elected Tamil leaders demanding federalism and not independent state at that juncture. There was no terrorist in Parliament yet if Sinhala Parliamentarian spits such venom, how could Tamils live within unitary Srilanka,
Mr.G.V.Punchinilame M.P from Ratnapura spoke in Srilankan Parliament in July 1981. “Since yesterday morning, we have heard in this Honorable House about the various types of punishment that should be meted out to them {Tamil Parliamentary Members}. The M.P from Panadura Dr.Neville Fernando said there was a punishment during the time of Sinhalese kings, namely, two areca nut posts are erected, these two posts are then drawn toward each other with a rope, then tie each of the feet of the offender to each post and then cut the rope which will result in tearing apart the body. These people should also be punished in the same way.
…………..some Members suggested that they should be put to death on the stake, some other Members said that their passports should be confiscated, still other Members said they should be made to stand at the Galle Face Green and shot at. The people of this country want and this government is prepared to inflict these punishments on these people.”
If in Srilankan Parliament such barbarian punishments are sought against duly elected Tamil Members of Parliament even in 1981 much before the birth of militant movements, how can Tamils live under unitary Srilankan state? It is time to read the speech of the cunning fox Mr.J.R.Jayawardane, President of Srilanka, which appeared in Daily Telegraph of 11th July 1983. “I am not worried about the opinion of the Tamil people…… now we cannot think of them, not about their lives or their opinion….. the more you put pressure on the North, the happier the Sinhala people will be here… Really if I starve the Tamils out, the Sinhala people will be happy.” Mr.Mahinda Rajapakshe used starvation as weapon to make Tamils slaves and even now he handles that same weapon, a weapon much sought by Srilankan President of 1983 is still in use till 2010.
TAMIL MASSACRES: ROLE OF SINHALESE LEADERS
Soon after the racial riots of 1983
With due thanks to North East Secretariat on Human Rights of Srilanka we are listing out Tamil massacres since independence of
1. Inginiyakala massacre [05.06.1956],
2. 1958 pogrom,
3. Tamil research conference massacre ‐10.01.1974,
4. 1977 communal pogrom
5. 1981 communal pogrom
6. Burning of the
7. 1983 communal pogrom
8. Thirunelveli massacre ‐ 24 25.07.1983
9. Sampalthoddam massacre ‐ 1984
10. Chunnakam Police station massacre ‐08.01.1984
11. Chunnakam market massacre ‐ 28.03.1984
12. Mathawachchi – Rampawa ‐ September 1984
13. Point Pedro – Thikkam massacre ‐ 16.09.1984
14. Othiyamalai massacre ‐ 01.12.1984
15. Kumulamunai massacre ‐ 02.12.1984
16. Cheddikulam massacre ‐ 02.12.1984
17. Manalaru massacre ‐ 03.12.1984
18. Blood soaked Mannar ‐ 04.12.1984
19. Kokkilai‐Kokkuthoduvai massacre ‐ 15.12.1984
20. Vankalai church massacre ‐ 06.01.1986
21. Mulliyavalai massacre ‐ 16.01.1985
22. Vaddakandal massacre ‐ 30.01.1985 .
23. Puthukkidiyiruppu Iyankovilady massacre 21.04.1985
24. Trincomalee massacres in 1985
25. Valvai‐85 massacre 10.05.1985
26. Kumuthini Boat massacre 15.05.1985
27. Kiliveddi massacre 1985
28. Thiriyai massacre ‐ 08.06.1985
29. Sampaltivu ‐ 04 to 09.08.1985
30. Veeramunai massacre ‐ 20.06.1990
31. Nilaveli massacre 16.09.1985
32. Piramanthanaru massacre ‐ 02.10.1985
33. Kanthalai‐85 massacre ‐ 09.11.1985
34. Muthur Kadatkaraichenai ‐ 08, 09, 10.11.1985
35. Periyapullumalai massacre in 1986
36. Kilinochchi Railway Station massacre ‐ 25.01.1986
37. Udumbankulam massacre ‐ 19.02.1985
38. Vayaloor massacre ‐ 24.08.1985
39. Eeddimurinchan massacre ‐ 19, 20.03.1986
40. Anandapuram shelling ‐ 04.06.1986
41. Kanthalai‐86 massacre ‐ 04, 05.06. 1986
42. Mandaithivu sea massacre ‐ 10.06.1986
43. Seruvila massacre ‐ 12.06.1986
44. Thambalakamam massacres ‐ 1985, 1986
45. Paranthan farmer’s massacre ‐ 28.06.1986
46. Peruveli refugee camp massacre ‐ 15.07.1986
47. Thanduvan bus massacre ‐ 17.07.1986
48. Mutur Manalchenai massacre ‐ 18.07. 1986
49. Adampan massacre ‐ 12.10.1986
50. Periyapandivrichchan massacre ‐ 15.10.1986
51. Kokkadichcholai‐87 massacre ‐ 28.01.1987
52. Paddithidal massacre ‐ 26.04.1987
53. Thonithiddamadu massacre ‐ 27.05.1987
54. Alvai temple shelling ‐ 29.05.1987
55. Eastern University massacre ‐ 23.05.1990
56. Sammanthurai massacre ‐ 10.06.1990
57. Xavierpuram massacre ‐ 07.08.1990
58. Siththandy massacre ‐ 20, 27.07.1990
59. Paranthan junction massacre ‐ 24.07.1990
60. Poththuvil massacre ‐ 30.07.1990
61. Tiraikerny massacre ‐ 06.08.1990
62. Kalmunai massacre ‐ 11.08.1990
63. Thuranilavani massacre ‐ 12.08.1990
64. Eravur hospital massacre ‐ 12.08.1990
65. Koraveli massacre 14.08.1990
66. Nelliyadi market bombing ‐ 29.08.1990
67. Eravur massacre ‐ 10.10.1990
68. Saththurukkondan massacre ‐ 09.09.1990
69. Natpiddymunai massacre ‐ 10.09.1990
70. Vantharamullai‐90 massacre ‐ 05, 23,09,1990
71. Mandaithivu disappearances ‐ 23.08.1990, 25.09.1990
72. Oddisuddan bombing ‐ 27.11.1990
73. Puthukkudiyiruppu junction bombing
74. Vankalai massacre ‐ 17.02.1991
75. Vaddakkachchi bombing ‐ 28.02.1991
76. Vantharumoolai ‐ 09.06.1991
77. Kokkadichcholai‐91 massacre ‐ 12.06.1991
78. Pullumalai massacre ‐ 1983‐1990
79. Kinniyadi massacre ‐ 12.07.1991
80. Akkarayan hospital massacre ‐ 15.07.1997
81. Uruthrapuram bombing ‐ 04.02.1991
82. Karapolla‐Muthgalla massacre ‐ 29.04.1992
83. Vattrapalai shelling ‐ 18.05.1992
84. Thellipalai temple bombing ‐ 30.05.1992
85. Mailanthai massacre ‐ 09.08.1992
86. Kilali massacre ‐1992, 1993
87. Maaththalan bombing ‐ 18.09.1993
88. Chavakachcheri‐Sangaththanai bombing ‐ 28.09.1993
89. Kokuvil temple massacre & bombing ‐ 29.09.1993
90. Kurunagar church bombing ‐ 13.11.1993
91. Chundikulam‐94 massacre ‐ 18.02.1994
92. Navali church massacre ‐ 09.07.1995
93. Nagarkovil bombing ‐ 22.05.1995
94. Chemmani mass graves in 1996
95. Kilinochchi town massacre ‐ 1996‐1998
96. Kumarapuram massacre ‐ 11.02.1996
97. Nachchikuda strafing ‐ 16.03.1996
98. Thambirai market bombing ‐ 17.05.1996
99. Mallavi bombing ‐ 24.07.1996
100. Pannankandy massacre ‐ 05.07.1997
101. Kaithady Krishanthi massacre ‐ 07.09.1996
102. Vavunikulam massacre ‐ 26‐09‐1996, 15‐08‐1997
103. Konavil bombing ‐ 27.09.1996
104. Mullivaikal bombing ‐ 13.05.1997
105. Mankulam shelling ‐ 08.06.1997
106. Thampalakamam massacre ‐ 01.02.1998
107. Old Vaddakachchi bombing ‐ 26.03.1998
108. Suthanthirapuram massacre ‐ 10.06.1998
109. Visuvamadhu shelling ‐ 25.11.1998
110. Chundikulam‐98 bombing 02.12.1998
111. Manthuvil bombing ‐ 15.09.1999
112. Palinagar bombing and shelling ‐ 03.09.1999
113. Madhu church massacre ‐ 20.11.1999
114. Bindunuwewa massacre
115. Mirusuvil massacre ‐ 19.12.2000
The North East Secretariat for Human Rights had documented updating up to 2008 which is in the book :Massacres of Tamils 1956-2008 - (Paperback Rs. 400, Hard Bound Rs. 500), which is an attempt to document 61 years of Tamil Massacres in Sri Lanka. This book painstakingly records massacres that occurred since 1956 – 2008 from first hand information. We would urge upon
Naked Facts about broken Pacts:
Having traced the thorny issues now let us look at the various peace proposals which Srilanka aborted in the past.
1. The Bhandaranaike-Chelvanayagam Pact of 1957 signed between Srilankan Prime Minister SWRD Bhandaranaike and Federal Party leader SVJ Chelvanayagam reached in July 1957 was abrogated in May 1958.
2. The Senanaike-Chelvanayagam Pact of 1965 was not implemented even though the pact led to a coalition between Federal Party.
3. Federal Party’s model constitution of 1972, submitted to the Constituent Assembly to create a Federal Republic of Ceylon was rejected by the steering committee of the Constituent Assembly.
4. Dr.Neelam Tiruchelvam’s report to the Presidential Commission on Development Councils in 1979 also was sent to cold storage.
5. Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s Initiative of 1983 resulted in bilateral talks between
6. Draft Bill for Provincial Councils which was endorsed by the All Party Conference in 1984 met the same fate under President J.R.Jayawardane’s governance.
7. Thimpu Talks in 1985: TULF and LTTE, TELO, PLOTE, EROS and EPRLF participated in Thimpu talks initiated by Government of India. In that conference all the Tamil parties submitted four cardinal principles as conditions for accepting conflict resolution. A] Recognition of the Tamils of Srilanka as a distinct nationality. B] Recognition of an identified Tamil homeland and guarantee for its territorial integrity. C] Recognition of the inalienable right of self determination of the Tamil nation. D] Recognition of the right to full citizenship and other fundamental rights to all Tamils of Srilanka. All Party Conference proposals formed the basis of Srilankan side. Though talks were aborted a Draft Framework evolved which should have been placed before Cabinet for approval before it could be adopted. But President J.R.Jayawardane did not do that, and it met its end.
8. TULF presented new proposals to Indian Prime Minister Mr.Rajiv Gandhi in December 1985.The Government of Srilanka submitted its views on that proposals in January 1986. In nutshell the Srilankan Government rejected TULF proposals.
9. Indian Minister Chidambaram Proposals: Srilankan Government discussed with the delegation headed by Mr.P.Chidambaram and in May 1986 sent its own proposals to Government of India. Then the Government of Srilanka formulated the Draft Amendment to the constitution of Srilanka to provide legal frame work to Chidambaram proposals.
10. Government of
11. The fate of that Indo-Srilankan accord puts Srilankan Government in dock for breaking this accord.
12. Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Srilanka was effected in November 1987, and first time provincial councils were set up.
13. The Democratic People’s Alliance led by SLFP in its election manifesto for 1988 Presidential and Parliamentary elections offered promises to resolve the ethnic problem, but that alliance failed to capture power, so promises remained promises.
14. Tamil political parties ACTC, DPLF, ENDLF, EPRLF and TELO submitted proposals to the drafting committee for the All Party Conference of 1990.
15. Srilankan Minister Thondaman’s Proposals: This attracted the LTTE which invited Mr.Thondaman to visit
16. Liberal Party proposals to the Committee on Constitutional Reform in 1992 to resolve the ethnic conflict.
17. UNP Presidential candidate for the November 1994 elections Mr.Gamini Dissanayake presented his Vision for the 21st century, but since Mr.Gamini Dissanayake was assassinated in October 1994; his own political party UNP buried the proposals along with him.
18. The up-country Tamils, people of Indian origin, branded as stateless people, submitted their proposals to the Parliamentary Select Committee on Constitutional Reforms in December 1994. The Up country People’s Front sought separate autonomous territory for up-country Tamils. This has nothing to do with the
19. Basic Ideas of Chandrika Kumaratunga made in 1995 when she promised peace at all costs before winning Parliamentary elections but changed her tune to peace but not at all cost, after she won Presidential election.
20. Without elaborating the recent sugar coated words after winning the War and also Presidential Elections of 2010 till date Mahinda Rajapakshe had neither given thought to resolving Tamils issue nor are prepared to permit their resettlement but are keen only to hide the war crimes by bullying tactics.
SO WHAT NEXT: ………ARBITRATION COMMISSION
Is the West contemplating for Alto/Adige/
There are similarities between Sinhala colonization of Tamil lands, and since bi-lateral talks over half a century had failed, Britain in view of the legacy of conflict it left when hurriedly independence was granted to Srilanka, must seek appointment of Arbitration Commission to resolve the dispute, other wise recognize the Tamil Eelam Government in Exile, which it should recognize and allow to be set up in its soil. Only a nincompoop will believe that bi-laterally Tamils and Srilanka can resolve their problems. If this word bi-lateral and no arbitrator is logical, reasonable and resolves disputes, in Court rooms across globe without Judges the petitioner and respondent can resolve the crisis.
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Part 1 (Article 1) recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination, including the right to “freely determine their political status”, [8] pursue their economic, social and cultural goals, and manage and dispose of their own resources. It recognizes a negative right of a people not to be deprived of its means of subsistence, [9] and imposes an obligation on those parties still responsible for non-self governing and trust territories (colonies) to encourage and respect their self-determination.
In accordance with this
Time has come for Hon’ble British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and Foreign Minister Miliband to have a rethink on their policy towards Tamil Eelam. And this appeal seeks their intervention. They should take into account the democratic expression of people of Tamil Eelam expressed through referendums in various countries. There is no terrorism at sight. If through peaceful means people of Srilanka uprooted from there due to ethnic strife express support for Tamil Eelam, Britian must take steps to allow the establishment of Tamil Eelam Government in Exile as first step making it compulsory for Srilanka to negotiate with that Government for accepting the self determination of Tamils of Eelam.
Tamil Net, Monday, 01 February 2010, 01:09 GMT reports that 99.33 percent British Tamils aspire Tamil Eelam. In an unprecedented turnout that brought 64,692 Eelam Tamils to vote in the referendum held last weekend in
The referendum was initiated by an independent group of British Tamils, who formed a body called Tamil National Council (TNC) a few months ago for this purpose. All main stakeholders of Eelam Tamil nationalism in
“British-based Tamils have voted overwhelmingly in favor of the creation of an independent sovereign state in
Tamil Net, Sunday, 24 January 2010, 23:00 GMT reported Overwhelming turnout of voters in
[Tamil Net, Monday, 11 May 2009, 10:51 GMT] reported that in a secret ballot of universal suffrage, conducted by a Norwegian media simultaneously in 14 centers in the length and breath of the country among Eelam Tamils, 98.95 percent of the voters said that they aspire for the formation of an independent and sovereign Tamil Eelam in the North and East of the island of Sri Lanka. The voter turn out was a high 89.8 percent in the capital city of
[Tamil Net, Friday, 26 February 2010, 20:06 GMT]
RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION
These referendums are an indication affirming the Tamils of Eelam are for the right of Self-determination and the world cannot deny that right only to Tamil people of Eelam.
“All peoples have the right to self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development. Essentially, the right to self-determination is the right of a people to determine its own destiny. In particular, the principle allows a people to choose its own political status and to determine its own form of economic, cultural and social development. Exercise of this right can result in a variety of different outcomes ranging from political independence through to full integration within a state. The importance lies in the right of choice, so that the outcome of a people’s choice should not affect the existence of the right to make a choice. In practice, however, the possible outcome of an exercise of self-determination will often determine the attitude of governments towards the actual claim by a people or nation. Thus, while claims to cultural autonomy may be more readily recognized by states, claims to independence are more likely to be rejected by them. Nevertheless, the right to self-determination is recognized in international law as a right of process (not of outcome) belonging to peoples and not to states or governments.” As put by UNPO.
UNREPRESENTED NATIONS AND PEOPLES ORGANIZATION.
You may be pondering on various options to resolve Tamil Eelam issue. Please keep the geopolitical interests at bay. With open heart please recall how Western nations acted in similar circumstances.
Self-determination in International Law
The principle of self-determination is prominently embodied in Article I of the Charter of the United Nations. Earlier it was explicitly embraced by US President Woodrow Wilson, by Lenin and others, and became the guiding principle for the reconstruction of Europe following World War I. The principle was incorporated into the 1941 Atlantic Charter and the Dumbarton Oaks proposals which evolved into the United Nations Charter. Its inclusion in the UN Charter marks the universal recognition of the principle as fundamental to the maintenance of friendly relations and peace among states. It is recognized as a right of all peoples in the first article common to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights which both entered into force in 1976. 1 Paragraph 1 of this Article provides:
All peoples have the right to self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.
The right to self-determination of peoples is recognized in many other international and regional instruments, including
►the Declaration of Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States adopted b the UN General Assembly in 1970,
► 2, the Helsinki Final Act adopted by the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) in 1975,
►3, the African Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights of 1981,
► 4, the CSCE Charter of Paris for a New
► 5, and the
►6, It has been affirmed by the International Court of Justice in the
►7, the
► 8, and the
►9, in which its erga omnes character was confirmed. Furthermore, the scope and content of the right to self-determination has been elaborated upon by the UN Human Rights Committee
►10, and the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
►11 and numerous leading international jurists. That the right to self-determination is part of so called hard law has been affirmed also by the International Meeting of Experts for the Elucidation of the Concepts of Rights of Peoples brought together by UNESCO from 1985 to 1991,
► 12, it came to the conclusion that (1) peoples’ rights are recognized in international law; (2) the list of such rights is not very clear, but also that (3) hard law does in any event include the right to self-determination and the right to existence, in the sense of the Genocide Convention.
“The inclusion of the right to self-determination in the International Covenants on Human Rights and in the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, referred to above, emphasizes that self-determination is an integral part of human rights law which has a universal application. At the same time, it is recognized that compliance with the right of self-determination is a fundamental condition for the enjoyment of other human rights and fundamental freedoms, be they civil, political, economic, social or cultural.”
“The concept of self-determination is a very powerful one. As Wolfgang Danspeckgruber put it: “No other concept is as powerful, visceral, emotional, unruly, as steep in creating aspirations and hopes as self-determination.” It evokes emotions, expectations and fears which often lead to conflict and bloodshed. Some experts argued that the title holders should be or are limited in international law. Others believed in the need to limit the possible outcome for all or categories of title holders. Ultimately, the best approach is to view the right to self-determination in its broad sense, as a process providing a wide range of possible outcomes dependent on the situations, needs, interests and conditions of concerned parties. The principle and fundamental right to self-determination of all peoples is firmly established in international law.”
Hence under International Law, Tamils have this right, if you include Tamils in human race. If Tamils are living human beings on Earth, they can have this right by virtue of their existence. Srilankan President Rajapakshe who committed genocide by killing 50000 Tamils in War must continue to kill every Tamil in Eelam and all in Tamil Diaspora and every Tamil of Tamilnadu before he can proclaim to the Member Nations of the United Nations, that since he has erased the existence of all Tamils on Earth, the right to self determination cannot be claimed by dead souls. Only living humans have such right, he must thunder before the world. Until such thing happens, as leaders of democracies and civilized world, we hope all leaders of member nations of United Nations will not snatch the right to self determination from the hands of Tamils of Eelam.
UN General Assembly adopts the Declaration in September 2007
With an overwhelming majority of 143 votes in favour, only 4 negative votes cast (
UNPO members :Abkhazia , Aboriginals of Australia ,Afrikaner ,Ahwazi ,Assyria ,Balochistan ,Batwa ,Burma ,Buryatia ,Cabinda ,Chechen Republic of Ichkeria ,Chin Chittagong Hill Tracts ,Circassia ,Cordillera ,Crimean Tatars ,East Turkestan ,Gilgit Baltistan ,Greek Minority in Albania , Hmong ,Hungarian Minority in Romania ,Inkeri ,Inner Mongolia, Iranian Kurdistan ,Iraqi Kurdistan ,Iraqi Turkmen ,Kalahui Hawaii ,Karenni State ,Khmer Krom ,Kosova ,Maasai ,Mapuche, Mon ,Montagnards – Degar, Nagalim ,Ogaden , Ogoni , Oromo ,Rehoboth Basters ,Sanjak ,Scania ,Sindh ,Somaliland ,South Moluccas ,Southern Azerbaijan,Southern Cameroons ,Taiwan ,Tibet ,Tsimshian ,Tuva ,Udmurt ,Vhavenda ,West Balochistan ,Zanzibar .
TAMILS OF EELAM must be included in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. Tamils are most civilized among the indigenous people possessing a classical language, which had a hoary past.
In an article that appeared in the International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics, Deputy Election Commissioner of the Election Commission of India Mr. R.Balakrishnan’s research paper titled Tamil: A Toponymical Probe had given a long list of place names that bear the “Tam” prefixes. In a state wise alphabetical list of Tam prefixed place names in India, he states that in Andhra Pradesh [29], Arunachal Pradesh [11], Assam [38], Bihar [53], Gujarat [5), Goa [1], Haryana [3], Himachal Pradesh [34], Karnataka [24], Maharastra [120], Meghalaya [5], Manipur [14], Madya Pradesh [60], Nagaland [4], Orissa [84], Punjab [4], Rajasthan [26], Tamil Nadu [10], Uttar Pradesh [64], West Bengal [24] with a grand total of 612 places names resembling Tamil and Tamil influences do occur.
“In the Godda District of Bihar there is a village named Tamilgoda. In that District alone there are 12 place names, which end goda Tamilgoda is one of them. In the Puri District of Orissa a place name called Tamilikudi draws our immediate attention. There is no need to establish the Dravidian etymology of the suffix kudi. Tamilikudi is not an isolate case of occurrence as there are 37 place names with kudi suffix within the administrative boundary of Orissa. “In the process of locating Tamil related place names the entire list of
If I could present facts quoting the Father of Indian Constitution Dr.B.R.Ambedkar it would establish the Tamil as mother tongue of Nagas, who are Dravidians. Nagalim is admitted as member in the UNPO. Now the Nagas may speak different dialect but they were Tamils in pre historic period. Let us look at the conclusions Dr.B.R.Ambedkar had reached in his scientific enquiry.
“It is clear that the Nagas and Dravidians are one and the same people. Even with much proof, people may not be found ready to accept this thesis. The chief difficulty in the way of accepting it lies in the designation of the people of
“The second thing to be borne into mind is that the word Dravida is not an original word. It is the Sanskrit zed form of the word Tamil. The original word Tamil when imported into Sanskrit became Damita and later on Damila became Dravida. The word Dravida is the name of the language of the people and does not denote the race of the people.” “The third thing to remember is that Tamil or Dravida was not merely the language of South India but before the Aryans came it was the language of the whole of
If this difference is borne in mind it will help to explain why the name Dravida came to be applied only for the people of
Similarly there is no race on Earth called Sinhalese. Race itself is a myth, culture oriented, proven in our days when all humans have common genes. Yet under the illusion they are Aryans, a barbaric tribe claimed separate status for them, in spite of their own mythology tracing their root to a marriage between a Lion and Human Princess. The superiority complex leads Sinhalese to work overtime to ethnic cleansing, hence genocide in Srilanka starts from 1956 itself. The failure of the British to resolve many issues before granting independence to
The Indian sub continent was ruled by Tamils, their Empires disintegrated, deluge and other natural calamities struck at the Tamil land. Later in British period on their eve of departure there were 11 Presidencies and 562 princely states, which when the winds of nationalism blew over Indian sub constituent were welded together as Indian Union under a Constitution of India. The problems left over by colonialism, be it border dispute with
Let me recollect a tiny problem between
TAMIL EELAM GOVERNMENT IN EXILE MUST BE RECOGNIZED BY GOVERNMENT OF
TAMILS OF EELAM MUST ELECT THEIR REPRESENTATIVES THROUGH REFERENDUMS IN THE COUNTRIES THEY LIVE NOW, AND SUCH REPRESENTATIVES MUST CONSTITUTE THE GOVERNMENT OF TAMIL EELAM IN EXILE.
ALL TAMILS WITHIN SRILANKA MUST BE SUPORTED TO FORM A TAMIL EELAM IN THAT SOIL. TOWARDS THAT GOAL WORLD GOVERNMENTS MUST BACK TAMIL EELAM GOVERNMENT IN EXILE.
With Regards
Yours fraternally
N.Nandhivarman
General Secretary Dravida Peravai [Indian political party]
PUDUCHERRY:COMPLAINT TO UNION GOVT
Posted in Ashram Case, Politics on 02/19/2010 08:27 am by Nandhi Varman
Hon’ble Thiru.P.Chidambaram 16.02.2010
Union Home Minister
Respected Thiru.Chidambaram
Subject: Need for your personal visit to probe the anti-national and anti-social activities in the
Puducherry and Karaikal had become a haven for terrorists who can slip in and out of the territory or use it as a hide out without subjected to scrutiny or escaping the watchful eyes of vigilant police men with conscience and clean record.
We are enclosing a note on what happened in the High Court of Madras in a Writ Petition No 24599 of 09. We are refraining from neither going into who filed against whom nor the contents of the case here. As
We enclose the local Tamil weekly Makkal Manasatchi dated January 27 to Feb 2 of 2010. There are many stories on CBI unearthing many things in Puducherry, and as competent Home Minister you are aware of what happens or what happened. We draw your attention to a Report on its Page 3 about a foreigner overstaying here without visa. The diary stated in above paragraph says : Quote : “ The Chief Justice then asked the legal counsel of the visa authorities their view regarding the visa extension and deportation of one Mr. Peter Heehs. The Counsel for FRRO then declared that based on documents available to them they were of the view that no further extension of visa of Peter Heehs was possible.” If that being the case why no action, we urge the Home Ministry to ponder. If a man is a personality he can be above law and if he is an ordinary citizen, then he had to face the music, seems to be the guiding principle. Puducherry not only attracts regular stream of foreign visitors, who on arrival assume a Hindu name, and their original name is hardly known. With such common practice in the spiritual empire, any criminal can find safe haven.
We enclose another issue of the same Tamil weekly Makkal Manasatchi dated February 10-16 of 2010, where the follow up to the Peter Heehs affair is reported.
More than that in page 6 there is a story about a suspicious murder of erstwhile Ashram lawyer Raghavachari. Without going into this story, which the police rubbish as accident, in between the lines the story states: Quote: ‘Four foreigners sneaked into
In Karaikal regular hawala transactions between Muslims and Hindus through notorious agents who enjoy patronage are taking place and the quantum of transaction may be around 200 or 300 crores which go unchecked.
We enclose another issue of the weekly where hooch deaths of East Godawari District caused by illegal brewing of liquor from Yenam, an enclave of Puducherry within Andhra Pradesh are reported. We urge Union Home Ministry to study the lopsided developments made in Mahe and Yenam enclave and ensure that al 4 regions gets funds, jobs, schemes, posts in accordance with their population, Robbing Puducherry and Karaikal enclaves Mahe and Yenam are thriving. This necessitates Statehood for Puducherry, Union Territory Status for Karaikal, merger of Mahe with same linguistic groups UT Lakshadeep, closer in proximity. Let Yenam be merged with Telengana, Rayalaseema or Andhra. Till then we want more powers for our Chief Minister, whom people in streets are mocking behind the back as lame duck Chief Minister. We want redistribution of portfolios; we want the clout enjoyed by tiny regions be put to en end. Last but not the least we want Puducherry UT Government to OBEY the HOME MINISTRY, cancel contracts given to RBI and SEBI black listed companies and review the Port and Power Projects. In both Puducherry and Karaikal in all factories bonded Oriya labour and Bihari labour are working. We as Indians are not against anybody working anywhere, but apart from depriving locals of jobs, these poor men of
As I wrote this someone from Bihar told me that poor Biharis are kidnapped to
With Regards
Yours fraternally
N.Nandhivarman
WRITER NAGARATHINAM KRISHNA ON NANDHIVARMAN’s BOOK
Posted in Books on 02/07/2010 06:25 am by Nandhi VarmanNAGARATHINAM KRISHNA is this century’s Kalki, who weaves history through his novels. He met me on August 18 th of 2009 in my residence.His novel Neelak Kadal spoke on Tamil slaves taken away from French India shattering the myth about French equality-liberty-fraternity concept .I will write in Surya Kathir, bi-monthly column with due permission from Editor Rao, on Tamils taken to plantations of colonies, about whom only one Great Bard Bharathiar recorded in his poems. Nagarathinam Krishna’s letter on my book is given below, which gives the inspiration to go ahead with my new book ” In search of Tamil civilization beneath oceans “. Publishers wont publish my books, yet it will be uploaded in net.. N.Nandhivarman
அன்பிற்குரிய திரு. நந்திவர்மன் அவர்கட்கு வணக்கங்கள்!
இக்கடிதம் தங்கள் தமிழர் நாகரீகம் என்ற ஆங்கில நூல்குறித்தது.
நூலை வாசித்தபோது, தமிழரென சொல்லிக்கொள்ளும் ஒவ்வொருவரிடமும் கைவசமிருக்கவேண்டிய ஆவணமென புரிந்தது. தங்கள் எழுத்தும் சொற்களும் இன உணர்வின்பாற்பட்டவை, போற்றுதலுக்குரியவை. எனினும் சொல்லவந்த செய்திகளை தெளிவாக முன் வைக்கிறீர்கள். சொந்த மொழி, சொந்த இனமென்ற மயக்கங்களில்லை, போதையில்லை. சொல்வது உண்மையென்பதால் முன்னெடுத்துச் செல்லும் கருத்துக்களில் வீச்சும், பாய்ச்சலும், ஏராளம்.
சிந்துவெளி குறித்த தேசிய மாநாட்டில் வாசிக்கபட்ட ஆய்வுக் கட்டுரை ஓர் அரிதான கட்டுரை, பல அரிய தகவல்களைக் கொண்டது. பழமைவாய்ந்த அப்பண்பாடும் மொழியும் திராவிடருக்குச் சொந்தமென பெருமிதத்தோடு சொல்லவந்த நீங்கள் அதற்கு உரிய சான்றுகளையும் அக்கறையுடன் சேகரித்து கட்டுரையை உருவாக்கியிருக்கிறீர்கள். உலகின் பல்வேறு பகுதிகளைச் சேர்ந்த கல்வியாளர்களின் ஆய்வுமுடிவுகளை துணைசேர்த்திருப்பது கட்டுரைக்கு வலு சேர்க்கிறது. நீங்கள் இந்தியன் எக்ஸ்பிரஸ் ஆங்கில நாட்டிற்காக எழுதியதென்ற குறிப்புடன் கூடிய பத்திகளும் பொதுவாகப் பல அரிதானத் தகவல்களைத் தருகின்றன. கவனத்துடன் ஆர்வத்துடனும் இரண்டாவது முறையாக வாசித்தேன். முதல்முறை வாசித்து முடித்தபோதே உங்களுக்கு எழுத உட்கார்ந்து, பாராட்டு என்பது சடங்காக முடிந்துவிடக்கூடாது, வாசிப்பு அனுபங்களை பகிர்ந்துகொள்வதே சரியாதாக இருக்குமெனத் தள்ளிவைத்தேன். மீண்டும் இரண்டாவது முறையாக வாசித்தபோது எனக்கு மிக்க மகிழ்ச்சி. இப்படியொரு நூலை எழுதியமைக்கும் அதை எனக்குப் பரிசாக அளித்தமைக்கும் மிக்க நன்றி. இல்லையெனில் படிப்பதற்கான வாய்ப்புக் கிடைத்திருக்காது. தமிழ் நாட்டில் நல்ல நூல்களை சந்தைப்படுத்துபவர்கள் மிகவும் குறைவென்பதை நீங்கள் அறிவீர்கள். ஆக மீண்டும் நன்றிகள்.
தொகுப்பிலுள்ள கட்டுரைகளை ஆர்வத்துடன் வாசிக்க முடிந்தது. ஒரு சில கட்டுரைகளை கூடுதல் ஆர்வத்துடன் வாசித்தேன்.
பிரெஞ்சு மொழியோடு தமிழருக்கான உறவுகள் என்ற கட்டுரை நான் விருப்பிவாசிக்க என்ன காரணமென விளக்கவேண்டியதில்லை. ஞானு தியாகு, தாவீது அன்னுசாமி போன்றவர்களின் உழைப்பை அறிவோம். அவர்கள் மாத்திரமல்ல புதுச்சேரியில் அண்மையில் மறைந்த திருமுருகனார் உழைப்பைக்கும் உரிய மரியாதையை புதுவை மக்கள் அளிக்கவில்லை, இப்படி அங்கே இன்னமும் நிறையபேர் இருக்கிறார்கள். அதுபோலவே தேசிகப் பிள்ளையின் உழைப்பு. மிகப்பெரிய தமிழரிஞரை உரியவகையில் அங்கீகரிக்கவில்லை என்ற வருத்தம் எனக்குண்டு, உங்கள் கட்டுரை எனக்கு ஆறுதலாக இருந்தது.
நாராணகுருவை பற்றிய கட்டுரையும் பல புதிய தகவல்களை எனக்களித்தது; அவர் தமிழ் நாட்டில் தேசாந்திரியாகத் திரிந்தார் என்பதை அறிந்தவன்; ஆனால் அவரிடமுள்ள தமிழ் மொழி அறிவும் ஆற்றலுடன் தமிழில் கவிதைகள் எழுதகூடியவரென்பதும், புதுச்சேரி வேதபுரீஸ்வரர் குறித்து அவர் எழுதிய தேவாரப் பதிகங்கள் எனற நூலைப் பற்றிய தகவல்களும் எனக்குப் புதியவை. சைவ சித்தாந்தத்தின் கோட்டை என்ற தலைப்பின் கீழ் எழுதிய கட்டுரையிலும் பொருள்பொதிந்த தகவல்கள் ஏராளமாக இருந்தன. அப்போதே ஜார்ஜ் பூரே என்ற பிரெஞ்சுக்காரர் நம்மவர்கள் தாய்மொழியில் பற்றற்றவர்களாக இருப்பதைச் சுட்டிக்காட்டி வருந்தியதாக நீங்கள் தெரிவித்திருந்த செய்தி யோசிக்க வைத்தது.
செஞ்சியின் பெருமை, தொகுப்பிலுள்ள கட்டுரைகளில் என்னை மிகவும் ஈர்த்ததென்று சொல்லவேண்டும், மிக நுணுக்கமான அரிதான தகவல்களைக் கொண்டு எழுதப்பட்டிருந்தது. செஞ்சியையும் தேசிங்கு ராஜனையும் மையமாக வைத்து ஒரு புனைவினை எழுதுவதென முடிவெடுத்திருக்கிறேன். அம்முடிவு உங்கள் கட்டுரை அளித்துள்ள தூண்டுதல்.
சிற்பங்கள் குறியீடுகள் குறித்த பத்தி, புதுச்சேரி வாழ் பிரெஞ்சு குடிமகன்கள் அவர்களுக்கான பிரநிதித்துவ தேர்தல் பற்றிய செய்திகள் தாங்கிய பத்தி, நாகர்களுக்கும் திராவிடர்களுக்குமுள்ள வரலாற்று இணக்கம் குறித்த பத்தி என சிறப்பித்து சொல்ல நிறைய இருக்கின்றன.
பநேரங்களில் தமிழினம் இன உணர்வு மழுங்கிவிட்டதே என நினைப்பதுண்டு, இத்தொகுப்பில் மறைந்த புதுச்சேரி திராவிடக் கழகத் தலைவரின் திருமகன் தமிழ்மணியுடைய மொழியுணர்வை பாராட்டி இருப்பீர்கள். தொகுப்பை வாசித்தபோது கடைசிவரை உங்களுடைய இன உணர்வின் மூச்சினை உணரமுடிந்தது. உங்களைப்போல ஒன்றிரண்டுபேர் இருந்தால்கூட போதும் தமிழும் தமிழனும் கடைத்தேறுவார்கள்.
அன்புடன்
நாகரத்தினம் கிருஷ்ணா
AUROBINDO ASHRAM : UNREPORTED CASE IN HIGH COURT
Posted in Philosophy on 01/23/2010 05:27 pm by Nandhi Varman
BREAKING NEWS THAT MEDIA WILL NEVER BREAK
DEPORTATION DEMAND IN HIGH COURT
Mr.Peter Heehs is an American historian living in
The counsel of the petitioner, highlighted in the High Court that Mr.Peter Heehs has breached all visa conditions in connivance with the third respondent, namely Managing Trustee of Aurobindo Ashram. The petitioner through her counsel demanded that the first and second respondents should cancel the visa and initiate immediate steps to deport him. The notable plea before the High Court was that the fourth respondent, namely Superintendent of Police North of Puducherry has failed to execute the live arrest warrant pending against Mr.Peter Heehs in Puducherry.
The counsel representing Mr.Peter Heehs expressed before the Court that Peter Heehs is a world renowned scholar and historian. He further added that for 35 years he had been in Ashram spreading the teachings of Aurobindo Ghosh.
[ The readers of this blog can visit www.peterheehs.com to know about this scholar and his works ]
The counsel of Peter Heehs pointed out that the Managing Trustee of Ashram had praised the invaluable contribution of Mr.Peter Heehs and that he enjoys the total support of the Managing Trustee of Aurobindo Ashram.
The legal counsel representing Manoj Das Gupta and Aurobindo Ashram Trust said that he was in full agreement with what had been said by the counsel of Mr.Peter Heehs, and the petitioner was motivated by personal animosity towards Peter Heehs as such the petitioner and her complaint had nothing to do with Aurobindo Ashram.
Legal Counsel representing Mr.Peter Heehs declared that the book “The Lives of Sri Aurobindo” is most authentic and academic portrayal of the life of Aurobindo Ghosh that has emerged out of the Ashram and its Archives headed by Mr.Peter Heehs. At this point the Chief Justice was keen to have a copy of the book. To which the legal counsel for Peter Heehs submitted that neither he nor his client were allowed to carry the copy of the book as the book has been proscribed within the
After arguments by both sides the legal counsel for petitioner conveyed strongly that this case was not about the book in any way but was about the breach of visa conditions by Peter Heehs and Manoj Das gupta.
The Chief Justice asked the legal counsel of the FRRO authorities their views regarding visa extension and deportation of Peter Heehs. The counsel for FRRO declared that based on documents available to them they were of the view that no further extension of visa of Peter Heehs was possible. But they could not take a decision his immediate deportation as there were several criminal cases pending against Peter Heehs in Orissa, and as such they would have to take into account before taking action for deportation or cancellation. They prayed for time to study and revert to the court on the matter.
Then the case was adjourned to January 18 th of 2010, on which date respondents were asked to submit written replies.
HEARING OF 19 th JANUARY 2010
Case instead of 18 th was taken up on 19th. The legal counsel for petitioner pointed out in strongest terms, that the four respondents have failed so far to give written depositions/submissions to the court regarding specific plaints made by the petitioner. He conveyed to the Court that the four respondents are delaying/avoiding written submissions as their failures are indefensible in the matter. He pleaded to the Court that no further arguments should take place till written are made by the respondents.
The Chief Justice of
MY APPEAL TO INDIAN AND INTERNATIONAL JOURNALISTS
This is a case about an American historian before High Court of
The scholar wrote a book which is sold throughout the world, yet in
At the same time what is happening within Aurobindo Ashram must be reported in media. Ashram has no Guru, hence it is not an Ashram as defined by Philosopher Aurobindo Ghosh. It is a Trust without a President, chair vacant for decades, and with no rules. My petition in local courts to frame proper rules for ashram trust was unnumbered but came up for nearly a decade before local court to die a natural death, hence one cannot pursue an unnumbered case for decade with 4 lawyers getting changed in mid way. The rule of law as it applies to Indian Prime Minister must apply to Trustees of Aurobindo Ashram. If Dr.Karan Singh thinks his clout can cover up , we say that democracy is strong, and everything should be debated in public domain, be what happens in Courts or closed door meetings.
Journalists of
N.Nandhivarman
General Secretary
Dravida Peravai
53 B Calve
Puducherry 605001