FLESH TRADE FLOURISHES IN PUDUCHERRY

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Corruption and Congress : A historical peep into past.


Nandhi Speaks……


These are days when everyday one scam comes out in media and people forget


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it after few days. To refresh the memory of people let me place the corruption history of Congress governments.


Jeep Scam of 1947 : Pakistan invaded Indian territory of Kashmir and Indian army needed Jeeps to travel in difficult terrain of Kashmir. V.K.Krishna Menon was India’s High Commission to Britain. Like our Suresh Kalmadi, he placed orders for 4603 Jeeps from a dubious company. You may ask what is wrong in it ? The Jeeps were of poor quality. It was supplied after the War was over. Parliament rocked. Ananthasayanam Iyengar Committee was constituted to probe the scam. It had submitted its report which till date had not been made public. So the Congress party which Mahathma Gandhi wanted to be disbanded once independence was attained and become a Seva Sangh, started serving India with being the first in bagging the trophy for corruption. Congress also taught Indians that it can not only rule but can lay precedent to misrule by sending the first scam report to cold storage.


First corrupt politician to be jailed 1949 : The then Industries Minister of Vindhya Pradesh Rao Shiv Bahadur Singh was caught red handed receiving a bribe of Rs 25,000 for renewing a diamond mine lease in Patna. Singh was imprisoned for 3 years. The first Congress leader to go to jail and starting the Corruption brigade in Congress which now has Suresh Kalmadi as national show piece .


First bureaucrat to be jailed 1951: There existed a quota for import of cycle parts, and it was given to a sole importer benefitting that particular importer and in this scam Union Industries and Commerce Secretary S.A.Venkatraman was sentenced to three years imprisonment. The great honour of going to jail was conferred on a Tamil Brahmin bureaucrat who taught the bureaucracy graftology.


Mundra Scam that hit T.T.Krishnamachari 1957 : Life Insurance Corporation of India was influenced by Finance Minister T.T.Krishnamachari to lend Harida Mundra of Kanpur Rs 1 crore by purchasing shares in his firms with no real standing in order to boost the prices of those companies in share market. Haridas Mundra was jailed for 22 months.  Finance Minister T.T.Krishnamachari, a South Indian Brahmin had to resign earning the reputation of first Union Minister to step down and for a Dalit Minister to get this honour it took time till 2011.


Hasan Ali of those days Teja Caper 1962 : Liechtenstein bank as safe have for black money is very much in news nowadays, thanks to Hasan Ali popularizing that bank and Puducherry Lt.Governor Iqbal Singh helping Hasan Ali get fake passport. Jayanthi Dharma Teja set up a shipping company with a paid up capital of Rs 200 only. A Nehruvian recommendation got that company Rs 22 crore as loan. Jayanthi Shipping Company of Dharma Teja pocketed all advance payments in his Leichtenstein bank account. In this scam finally Dharma Teja was arrested in London in the year 1970 . Het got six years imprisonment. But he escaped and like Puducherry absconder Ravi Shah co-accused along with his brother Kamal Shah who raped and brutally murdered his elder brother Ravi Shah’s wife Parvathi Shah , Dharma Teja is absconder and Indians forgot this scam too.


Punjab Scam of its Chief Minister 1964 : Allowing family members to amass wealth disproportionate to known sources of income may be famous because of Jayalalitha’s disproportionate asset case and 2 G scam cases but first Chief Minister to fall prey to his family’s greed  was Punjab Chief Minister Pratap Singh Kairon. Dass Commission of Enquiry indicted him and he had to step down from office.


Nagarwala Mystery of 1971 : After liberating Bangla Desh Indira Gandhi was called as Goddess Durga by Indian masses. Before 1971 because of Congress party split and veterans like Kamaraj leaving Congress to start Old Congress which was known as Syndicate, the Indira Gandhi Government survived with the support of 25 member DMK Parliamentary party headed by orator Nanjil Manoharan. Aringnar Anna inculcated in the blood and veins of DMK cadre anti-congressim but Kalaignar M.Karunanithi made the historical mistake of supporting Congress to survive, which he must be repenting now in 2011. In 1971 polls DMK-Indira Congress alliance was struck. I still remember as Student DMK leader, the veterans of Congress like R.Venkatraman, C.Subramanian, Mohan Kumaramangalam and others of the Congress delegation standing before DMK President posing photographs without sitting in available sofas to get only 10 Parliament seats with NO assembly seat for Congress in the alliance deal. In such historical year of 1971 State Bank of India chief cashier got a phone call with someone speaking in Indira Gandhi’s voice directing him to  give Rs 60 lakhs to her messenger, a former army officer Rustom Sorab Nagarwala ………


 

RAJAPAKSHE GETS CERTIFICATE FROM KP

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TRAITORS AND TURNCOATS CERTIFY TINPOT DICTATOR’S TAMIL GENOCIDE


 


Mount Road Mahavishnu, as traditional DMK men used to call a news paper that had played a venomous role in projecting Neo-Hitler Mr.Rajapakshe  as savior of Tamils which in fact meant their self interests all through these years is known for its double speak and double act. Proclaiming allegiance to Marxism from ivory towers and embracing spiritualists and escorting him from state border when they were encircled in criminal cases is another example of those people’s double speaks. The so-called opinion maker, finding his closest friend Mr.Rajapakshe in troubled waters with world opinion turning against him, planned an operation salvage to redeem Mr.Rajapakshe’s sullied or blood stained image by giving him a phenyl wash employing a traitor to do that job.


 


Kumaran Pathmanathan, the traitor who sold all information about the financial empire built by millions of Tamil women contributing the gold even in their mangalsutra and overseas Tamil kinsmen saving by forgoing even a meal to contribute to Tamil national cause, now gives clean chit to the Neo-Hitler of 21st century. As Christians hate Judas, Tamils will hate Mr.Rajapakshe for centuries. The followers of Rama every year in Ramleela grounds in Delhi burn the effigy of Ravana, though Rama-Ravana war is over in epics of mythology.


 


 Mr.Rajapakhshe is leader of Sinhalese and a legendary hero to them, but for Tamils in our epics he will remain a Hitler-like personality. We are democrats, not terrorists, but our race has the right to curse him for thousands of years. No one can ban our minds cursing his political downfall. No one can find fault with Tamil Diaspora trying to seek justice for the genocide that gentlemen heaped on innocent civilians in final phase of Eelam War. Humanism is not dead in the hearts of westerners; hence a humanitarian demand to fix Mr.Rajapakshe for his genocide is gaining momentum all over the civilized world,


 


To paint him as paragon of virtue even after his refusal to send all displaced Tamils back to their homes, is a gravest crime that anyone with a conscience cannot do, hence Hindu had engaged Traitor Kumaran Pathmanathan to give a conduct certificate to Mr.Mahinda Rajapakshe. As Hindu has the freedom of speech to write honey coated references on a leader stained with blood and will go down in history as modern day Hitler, we are within our democratic right to criticize the news item, exposing the motive of the Tamil traitor Kumaran Pathmanathan.


 


 


Sinhalese have yet to ask how much gold and money was caught from hidden treasures of LTTE or how much wealth went to their country’s coffers. KP deal must be made to public light. Sinhalese Government due to guilty conscience may suppress facts about genocidal war. But they claim to have broken the financial empire of LTTE, with the help of Traitor Kumaran Padmanathan, if so they owe to the Sinhalese they represent to tell the truth. Sinhalese must demand a white paper on how the LTTE’s finances were frozen, if so whether it were confiscated and brought in to Government coffers or whether it was channeled to few individuals in power and shared with traitors and turncoats.


 


World has changed Kumaran Pathmanathan says, yes changed but not to allow genocide to go unpunished. World may be against terrorists but history will not give clean chits to Neo-Hitlers.


 


I am not holding brief for LTTE or spitting venom against victors. History will judge who is who, Hindu cannot convert Godse into Gandhi.Hindu cannot rewrite the life of Idi-Amin and portray him on par with Nelson Mandela.


 


The consistent policy of Hindu backing Mr.Mahinda Rajapakshe is within its journalistic rights. But we Indian citizens have conscience to shed tears for our kinsmen killed in genocide, and curse the villains who continue to kill Indian Tamil fishermen even now and we cannot buy conduct certificates manufactured by Hindu University and history is not written by Hindu and its Editor.


 


N.Nandhivarman


General Secretary


Dravida Peravai


 


30.07.2010


 


 

AUROVILLE COMPLAINT AGAINST BBC : BBC WINS


[With gratitude and thanks we reproduce the relevant portion of the Ofcom Broadcast Bulletin Issue number 157 10 May 2010 rejecting Auroville complaint against BBC.]



Fairness & Privacy cases Not Upheld


 


Complaint by The Auroville Foundation and the community of Auroville made on their behalf by The Working Committee of the Residents’ Assembly of the Auroville Foundation through its authorized representative, Mr. Carel B Thieme News Night, BBC2, 21 May 2008


 


Introduction to Of Com


 


The Broadcast Bulletin reports on the outcome of investigations into alleged breaches of those Ofcom codes which broadcasting licensees are required to comply. These include: a) Ofcom’s Broadcasting Code (“the Code”) which took effect on 16 December 2009 and covers all programmes broadcast on or after 16 December 2009. The Broadcasting Code can be found at http://www.ofcom.org.uk/tv/ifi/codes/bcode/. Note: Programmes broadcast prior to 16 December 2009 are covered by the 2005 Code which came into effect on 25 July 2005 (with the exception of Rule 10.17 which came into effect on 1 July 2005). The 2005 Code can be found at http://www.ofcom.org.uk/tv/ifi/codes/bcode_2005/. b) The Code on the Scheduling of Television Advertising (“COSTA”) which came into effect on 1 September 2008 and contains rules on how much advertising and teleshopping may be scheduled in programmes, how many breaks are allowed and when they may be taken. COSTA can be found at http://www.ofcom.org.uk/tv/ifi/codes/code_adv/tacode.pdf. c) Other codes and requirements that may also apply to broadcasters, depending on their circumstances. These include the Code on Television Access Services (which sets out how much subtitling, signing and audio description relevant licensees must provide), the Code on Electronic Programme Guides, the Code on Listed Events, and the Cross Promotion Code. Links to all these codes can be found at http://www.ofcom.org.uk/tv/ifi/codes/ From time to time adjudications relating to advertising content may appear in the Bulletin in relation to areas of advertising regulation which remain with Ofcom (including the application of statutory sanctions by Ofcom). It is Ofcom’s policy to describe fully the content in television and radio programmes that is subject to broadcast investigations. Some of the language and descriptions used in Ofcom’s Broadcast Bulletin may therefore cause offence.


 


Fairness and Privacy Cases Not Upheld Complaint by The Auroville Foundation and the community of Auroville made on their behalf by The Working Committee of the Residents’ Assembly of the Auroville Foundation through its authorized representative, Mr. Carel B Thieme News night, BBC2, 21 May 2008


 


Summary: Ofcom has not upheld the complaint of unfair treatment made by Mr. Thieme on behalf of The Auroville Foundation and the community of Auroville. An item in this programme looked at Auroville, a town in southern India created as a spiritual experiment dedicated to the realization of human unity. The programme reported on ongoing tensions between the community of Auroville and local villagers and, in particular, allegations by local villagers that their children were being sexually abused. The Auroville Foundation and the community of Auroville (“the Complainants”) complained that they were treated unfairly in the programme as broadcast. In summary Ofcom found the following: The programme did not present allegations that there was a serious and widespread problem of child abuse in Auroville and that not enough was being done about it by the Auroville authorities in a way that was unfair to the Complainants. The context in which villagers’ claims of exploitation and fear of the Complainants were presented in the programme did not result in the Complainants being unfairly portrayed in the programme. The programme did not portray the Complainants as an anarchic sect and as a result they were not treated unfairly in this respect. · Minor inaccuracies as to population of Auroville and members’ tax status did not result in unfairness to the Complainants. To the extent that misrepresentation or deception was employed to obtain broadcast material in this case, this was not unfair because its use was in the public interest. The Complainants were provided with an appropriate and timely opportunity to respond to the allegations made in the programme.


 


Introduction


 


On 21 May 2008, BBC2 broadcast an edition of News night, which included a report about the town of Auroville in southern India, a town created as a spiritual experiment whose community is dedicated to the realization of human unity. The town is administered by the Auroville Foundation, a statutory body set up by the Indian Government, with input from the Residents’ Assembly of Auroville (comprising all the residents of Auroville aged 18 years and over) via its Working Committee. The programme explained that Auroville was set up as a community where “people of all nations could live together in harmony with no money, no rules and no leaders”. The programme said that financial inequalities between Aurovilians and the local Tamil villagers had caused ongoing tensions between the Auroville Foundation and the community of Auroville (“the Complainants”) and the villagers. The programme said that many local people had alleged that the Complainants exploited them and reported that there had been allegations of sexual abuse of local children in and around the town of Auroville by both residents of, and tourists to, Auroville. The programme also reported allegations that the Complainants were aware sexual abuse was happening, but were doing little to address it. It noted that the Complainants said the allegations were unfounded. The programme included footage of interviews with: · Mr Raj Batra who had lived in Auroville as a guest for two years and who said he had spoken to people in Auroville about the abuse of local children by Aurovilians, but that they did not consider that was their problem. · Mr. N Nandhivarman, a local politician, who was concerned that not enough was being done about paedophiles by the local police or the Complainants.


 


Anonymous villager, “Sundrun”, who said he had been abused when he was younger and that the abuse of children was continuing. · Anonymous villager, “Shiva”, who said that children were being abused, particularly at the New Creation School in Auroville. · Mr. Ram Kumar Raj who worked for an NGO and who said that, in order to address the sexual abuse issue, the Auroville Foundation should scrutinize its guests and members more thoroughly. Mr. Gilles Guigan, an Aurovilian, who explained that Auroville was trying to become an “ideal society”, but that like any society it could only reflect the quality of its members. The programme also referred to the case of Mr. Didier Keim who was expelled from Auroville and who was subsequently convicted of paedophilia in nearby Pondicherry. The programme also broadcast two extracts from the Complainants’ intranet site. One was said to openly refer to worries of abuse at the New Creation School. The other was shown as a visual image alongside narrative stating that some Aurovilians had been told they could no longer work in India. Ms Rachel Wright, the reporter, also said in the programme that a beach near


Auroville was one where westerners went to pick up young Indian children, and that she had witnessed two separate men with two young Indian boys, one of whom had been taken to a beach hut.


 


Finally, the programme included an interview with, and photograph of, Mr. Carel Thieme of the Working Committee of the Auroville Residents’ Assembly (the “Working Committee”). The Working Committee first complained to the BBC’s Editorial Complaints Unit on behalf of the Complainants that the programme as broadcast was unfair and inaccurate. The complaint was not upheld by the BBC and, in a complaint received on 13 January 2009; Mr. Thieme complained to Ofcom on behalf of the Complainants that they had been treated unfairly in the programme as broadcast. The Complaint The Complainants’ case In summary, the Complainants said that they were treated unfairly in the programme as broadcast in that: a) They were unfairly portrayed because the programme: i) Suggested wrongly and unfairly that paedophilia was “rampant” in Auroville and that nothing was being done about it, by: · Presenting the statements of Mr. Raj Batra and Mr. N Nandhivarman, the statements of anonymous villagers “Shiva” and “Sundrun” and the statements of Ms Rachel Wright (“the reporter”) at the beach, as factual, credible evidence of child abuse and inaction by Aurovilians or guests in Auroville, despite the fact that: · with the exception of one allegation by “Sundrun”, none of them claimed to have first-hand knowledge or evidence of child abuse by Aurovilians or guests in Auroville; · both Mr. Batra, who was asked to leave Auroville in 2004, and local politician, Mr. Nandhivarman, had a history of antipathy towards the Complainants; · “Shiva” had already provided an untenable and unreliable statement; · the reporter had no evidence that the men she saw on the beach were Aurovilians or guests in Auroville or that they were involved in child abuse; and · details of these allegations were not provided to the Complainants or the authorities to investigate. · Presenting statements made by Mr. Gilles Guigan and Mr. Ram Kumar Raj out of context so as to suggest they agreed Auroville had a problem with child abuse. In fact, Mr. Guigan had been talking about ideal societies and Mr. Raj, that the Complainants, like everyone else, had to take the universal problem of child abuse seriously. · Presenting two extracts from the Complainants’ intranet out of context as evidence of child abuse problems in Auroville, when in fact the first extract was almost five years old and referred to past problems of child abuse.


 


The second, referring to a person’s visa having “been cancelled”, had nothing to do with child abuse in Auroville, but referred to a mentally unstable person seen wandering near Auroville in 2008. · Inaccurately presenting the way in which Mr. Didier Keim was dealt with by the Complainants, wrongly suggesting that after they said they had expelled Mr. Keim in 1996, he was allowed to work with children in Auroville for another five years before he was finally arrested and subsequently sentenced for paedophilia in the nearby city of Pondicherry in 2004. · Asking if the Complainants were doing enough about “brazen” child abuse taking place at the public beach near Auroville, but omitting the Complainants’ statement that there was zero tolerance by them for issues of child abuse. ii) Suggested wrongly and unfairly that the Complainants exploited the local Tamil villagers, that few ever become members of Auroville and that they feared reprisals from the Complainants if they spoke out. By way of background, the Complainants said that they employed approximately 4,000 local villagers with salaries and employment benefits equal to or better than could be obtained in nearby Pondicherry for comparable work. The Complainants had set up seven schools for village children, made huge efforts to help the development of the surrounding villages and, after the Tsunami struck southern India, played a large part in the relief effort in the area. In addition, many local villagers aspired to become Aurovilians and they formed the single largest group in Auroville, representing more than 33% of residents. Finally, in the 40 years of Auroville’s existence there had not been one instance of reprisal or retribution by an Aurovilian. iii) Suggested wrongly and unfairly that the Complainants were an anarchic sect, by stating that residents had to undergo a year’s induction before becoming


full members, that Aurovilians believed in “divine anarchy”, with no rules and no leaders, that the Complainants had no leadership structure and that the Complainants had slipped beneath the radar. By way of background, the Complainants said that they had no induction process; it was not a sect, although there was a Newcomer probationary period. There was no aspiration for no rules and no leaders. The Complainants had rules, such as their Admission Policy and a formal management structure set out in the Auroville Foundation Act, 1988 (“the Auroville Act”) which created and constituted the Auroville Foundation, the Governing Board, the International Advisory Council, the Secretary, the Residents’ Assembly and the Working Committee to develop Auroville in accordance with its ideals. The Secretary, an official of the Indian Government and permanent resident in Auroville, would have protested if the Complainants had “slipped beneath the radar”. iv) contained numerous other inaccuracies which contributed to their unfair portrayal, including suggestions that: · 16,000 Tamil villagers lived in Auroville; · the Complainants were partly financed by the Indian Government; and Ofcom Broadcast Bulletin, Issue 157 10 May 2010 · Auroville’s members paid no tax. Furthermore, much of the footage broadcast was not of Auroville, but of surrounding farmland, villages and Pondicherry. b) The programme broadcast material obtained by deception, despite the fact that: i) there was no public interest in the broadcast of that material. ii) The material could have been obtained by other means: · the Foreigners’ Regional Registration Officer (“the RRO”) could have informed the reporter about all the cases of paedophilia in Auroville in the last 15 years; and · the BBC was invited to visit Auroville prior to the broadcast to make a more thorough and objective investigation. The Working Committee offered to co-operate fully to ensure that the BBC had access to all possible sources of information. By way of background, the Complainants said that the reporter obtained permission to visit and film in Auroville and to interview residents of Auroville on the pretext that, amongst other things, she wished to explain the philosophy and idealism of Auroville, how it had started and how it had developed in 40 years. In fact, she was planning to make a film on perceived child sexual abuse before she came to visit Auroville and she deceived the Complainants about the true nature of her visit. c) The Complainants were not given an appropriate and timely opportunity to respond to the allegations made in the programme as broadcast, in that: i) During the course of her interview with the principal of the New Creation School, the reporter did not provide the principal with an opportunity to respond to the allegations of child abuse at the school by putting those allegations to the principal.


 


ii) The reporter unfairly omitted to give the Auroville Foundation or any resident Aurovilian an opportunity to contribute or respond to the allegations while she was in Auroville. She neither contacted the resident Secretary of the Auroville Foundation nor the Working Committee. iii) The BBC emailed the transcript of the intended programme to the Working Committee, but gave them less than 24 hours to respond. The Working Committee emailed the BBC with a long list of detailed comments however, instead of correcting everything; the BBC accepted some corrections and ignored many others, with the result that many damaging and seriously defamatory inaccuracies were broadcast in the programme that same evening. iv) a short interview with Working Committee member, Mr. Thieme, was included at the end of the programme with a static picture of him. It did not, therefore, have the same weight and was far less persuasive than if such response had been incorporated into the programme itself. By way of background, the Complainants said that it was only after strong protests from the Working Committee that the BBC agreed to include an interview with a member of the Working Committee in the programme as broadcast. Furthermore, the BBC did not send the questions to Mr. Thieme in advance, so he had no idea what to expect, and he had not been informed by the BBC what allegations had actually been broadcast in the programme and what had not. Finally, the time given to Mr. Thieme’s response was perhaps less than three minutes. The BBC’s case a) In summary, the BBC responded to the head of complaint that the Complainants were portrayed unfairly as follows: i) The BBC said it did not accept that the programme gave the impression that “rampant paedophilia” existed in Auroville, but rather that the programme suggested that there was a serious problem of child abuse involving some residents of Auroville which had not been effectively addressed by the Complainants. The BBC said that nowhere was the word “rampant”, or anything synonymous with it, or even similar to it, actually used. The BBC said it believed that there was a substantial array of witnesses offering testimony from a number of perspectives which tended to corroborate each other to provide a sufficient basis for the claim that allegations of abuse were not being effectively tackled by the Complainants. The BBC said that the fact that only one of the witnesses was a direct victim of child abuse did not undermine the fact that other witnesses were aware of abuse or allegations of abuse and provided compelling support for the claim that the Complainants had failed to investigate such allegations seriously. In any event, the BBC said that this was not the limit of the evidence gathered by the programme. The BBC said that the reporter had a number of conversations with other witnesses who corroborated the allegations being made, but who were not prepared to speak publicly. The BBC said that it was clear to the reporter that the concerns expressed by the anonymous villager in the programme were shared by other villagers and that there were other young people who claimed to have been sexually abused by Aurovilians. The BBC said that the reporter also became aware of what seemed to her to be a climate of fear which discouraged people from speaking out publicly, not least because of the financial dependence of many local people on the Complainants. The BBC said it did not accept the Complainants’ characterization of the attitude of Mr. Batra and Mr. Nandhivarman towards them. The BBC said that in fact both had earned the enmity of the Complainants because they had highlighted the issue of child abuse by Auroville residents and had campaigned publicly for the Complainants to take the issue seriously and investigate allegations of abuse. The BBC said it could not be argued that their testimony in relation to this issue was unreliable when the “antipathy” which existed derived originally from the Complainants’ failure to deal with abuse. In relation to “Shiva’s” “untenable and unreliable statement”, the BBC said that this referred to a claim made by him in interview that one in five children at the New Creation School had been abused. The BBC said that this part of his contribution was included in an early programme script which was shown to the Complainants, but was subsequently removed. The BBC said that, however, did not lead to the conclusion that he was therefore making up the basic allegation that such abuse was known to have taken place and was an unreliable witness. In relation to what the reporter said she saw at the beach, the BBC said that the meaning of what she said was quite clear, that the beach was frequented both by Aurovilians and their families and by westerners who came to pick up young Indian children. The BBC said that the programme did not say the men were Aurovilian, nor did it say the beach belonged to Auroville, simply that many members of and visitors to Auroville relaxed there, which the BBC said was undeniably true. The BBC said that the reporter also took photographs of the incident she described which showed an elderly, bald, tattooed white man with a young Indian boy disappearing into a wooden hut. The BBC said that she did not follow them into the hut to see what they were doing but when she asked local people what they thought was happening they replied, “boyfriends”. The BBC said that it was quite plain that the intended meaning of the reporter’s commentary there was that the men in question were likely to have been tourists, given that was the clear context being set up by the script at that point.


 


In relation to Mr. Guigan, the BBC said that his remarks were framed before and after by commentary describing, in general terms, what might well be described as “the welfare and evolution” of Auroville which, as the Complainants said, was the basis of the interview he gave. The BBC said that there was no mention of child abuse to which Mr. Guigan’s comments were linked or proximate. The BBC said that it did not agree therefore that Mr. Guigan’s views were used out of context. The BBC said that it did not accept that Mr. Raj’s comments were confined to general observations that the Complainants, like everybody else, had to take seriously the universal problem of child abuse. The BBC said that in unused parts of the interview which was conducted with Mr Raj, it was quite clear that he had specific concerns about Auroville. The BBC said that, having established his sphere of work, Mr. Raj then went on to make clear that he had concerns about people staying at Auroville, even if they were not the sole focus of his concern. In relation to the presentation of two extracts from the Complainants’ intranet, the BBC said that the first extract complained of was from a posting written in 2003 by a resident who expressed serious concerns about a number of things, including child sexual abuse. The BBC said that it did not believe that it counted against the evidential value of this document that it was posted in 2003. The BBC said that in her next posting, on the following day, the resident conceded that “Auroville has a reputation for paedophilia”. The BBC said that the second extract, where the words “visa has been cancelled. He has…and deported” were visible, referred to a relative of an Auroville resident who had been staying in the community and, the programme was told, abusing children. However, the BBC said that the individual was not identified, and what was recorded in the posting applied equally to other Auroville residents. The BBC said that in correspondence with the reporter, the Complainants had conceded that two residents had their visas cancelled after being suspected by the authorities of child abuse. The BBC said that using the extract in this context gave rise to no unfairness. In relation to Mr. Keim, the BBC said that although it was not stated in the programme, the allegation that he continued to work with children in Auroville for a further five years was based upon the evidence of two of the witnesses identified in the programme, Mr. Batra and Mr. Nandhivarman, both of whom had been instrumental in having Mr. Keim’s case pursued by the police in Pondicherry. The BBC said that their testimony was corroborated by material posted on the Complainants’ intranet site, after the broadcast, by an Auroville member who took particular issue with the account Mr. Thieme gave to News night about how the organization had dealt with the case of Mr. Keim. The BBC said that Mr. Thieme’s position on the programme was that Mr. Keim had been at Auroville “for no more than eight months before he was discovered out and kicked out of Auroville” and the authorities informed. The BBC said that the Auroville member wrote: “… This was not what I experienced when I was in New Creation around the time that Didier (a paedophile who is now in prison in India) arrived there and started looking after a group of young boys. He was only asked to leave when the complaints against him reached a number that could not be ignored by the then Entry and other Groups. As far as I remember he was in New Creation for considerably longer than the eight months mentioned by Carel in the film”. The BBC said that the author of the posting had told the BBC that she was persuaded to remove it from the Complainants’ website on 25 May 2008, a few days after the broadcast of the programme. In relation to the question posed in the programme about “brazen” child abuse, the BBC said that the Complainants’ response to the allegations made in the programme was, by agreement with the Working Committee, made by Mr. Thieme through a pre-recorded interview at the end of the programme.


 


The BBC said that this was subject to only a very minor edit and that no material part of Mr. Thieme’s contribution was left out. The BBC said that there had never been a complaint from the Complainants about the way that the interview was edited. The BBC said that it was clear from the interview that the Complainants claimed that they did not tolerate child abuse. ii) The BBC said that the programme only used the word exploitation in the introduction and then it was used to describe the view of local Tamils. The BBC said that it was clear that the tenor of the evidence which the reporter obtained whilst investigating the story supported the claim that many Tamils did believe that the Complainants were exploiting them. The BBC said that during her investigation, the reporter was shown data which had been compiled internally and which showed the contrast between the numbers of Tamils from the local community who applied to become Aurovilians and the number who were admitted. The BBC said that the reporter also saw internal data which showed the length of time it would take for a local Tamil to complete the admission process – sometimes up to 15 years – and, by contrast, how a relatively wealthy European could complete the process, sometimes within months. The BBC said that this material, however, was shown to the reporter on a confidential basis and it was unable to make it available. The BBC said that the reporter also spoke to three Indians who were members of Auroville who were quite happy to be interviewed (albeit anonymously) to testify how hard it was to join Auroville if you were a local Tamil. The BBC said that the reporter could affirm that very many of the Tamils she spoke to gave the clear impression of being scared of upsetting the Complainants and that they explained that this was because their livelihoods often depended on the Complainants or because they felt vulnerable to acts of reprisal. The BBC said that one local villager had stated that the Complainants had put pressure on local people by “blackmailing them” to sell their land to them. The BBC said that “Sundrun” corroborated the claim that people were scared. He stated in the programme: “We depend on them for work. If these kinds of stories come out there would be death threats from Aurovilians and we have no protection from them. There are lots of things that happen like this inside Auroville”. The BBC said that the reporter also spent time with another witness who she asked for help and who agreed to accompany her in her car around Auroville. However, the BBC said that he was physically shaking during the whole experience and hid on the floor of the car when he saw Aurovilians. The BBC said that the reporter was left in no doubt that local Tamils were genuinely frightened of people from Auroville.


 


The BBC said that the Complainants did employ local people, but although this brought benefits to them, it also had the effect of making them vulnerable, and while they were paid better than workers in Pondicherry they still only received some £30 per month, which was substantially less than Aurovilians themselves received as a form of maintenance payment. The BBC said that the programme acknowledged the contribution that the Complainants had made to the surrounding community and referred specifically to work done to provide relief after the Tsunami. The BBC said that it did not believe it was accurate to say that the local Tamil population constituted 33% of Auroville residents. The BBC said it understood that the figure actually represented the total number of Indian members of Auroville, many of whom were from other areas of the country and were significantly richer and more educated than the local Tamil population. The BBC said that it was right to say that many of the local Tamils aspired to become members, but the BBC said that it was extremely hard for them to do so, not least because they were expected to have funds of their own in order to join.


 


iii) The BBC said that the programme did not use the phrase “anarchic sect” or anything resembling it. The BBC said it believed that reference to a period of “induction” carried no adverse implication whatsoever and certainly did not suggest that the community was an “anarchic sect”. The BBC said that it was common to refer to the process whereby an individual was introduced into a new job, for instance, as “induction”. The BBC said that reference to “divine anarchy” derived from a quote on the Complainants’ own website attributed to Mirra Alfassa (known to Aurovilians as “The Mother”) who founded the community. The BBC said that The Mother went on to spell out that “the ideal” was a situation “without fixed rules and laws”. This, the BBC said it believed, was perfectly consistent with the comment made in the programme that the Complainants aspired to “no rules, no leader”. The BBC said that it believed that, regardless of the organizational structures in place in Auroville, there was no doubt that it aspired ultimately to the ideal which was expressed by its own founder. The BBC said that it did not believe that it was unfair to represent the community as aspiring to that particular ideal. iv) The BBC said that the complaint did not set out why the minor alleged inaccuracies gave rise to unfairness. The BBC said it did not accept that any of them represented genuine inaccuracies and said it believed that they had all been disposed of in the BBC’s response to the Working Committee’s complaint to the BBC’s Editorial Complaints Unit. b) In summary, the BBC responded to the complaint that the programme broadcast material obtained by deception as follows: The BBC said that the only material obtained by deception was a very limited amount of background information supplied by the Complainants. The BBC said that the material upon which the allegations of child abuse and the Complainants’ inadequate response to this were based, was obtained openly and all material used was used with the informed consent of those who had provided it. The BBC said that when the reporter approached the Complainants she told them that she was working on a general report about Auroville because at that stage she was hoping to be able to film within the community and she took the view that this would have been rendered less likely if she had disclosed that she was investigating allegations of paedophilia. The BBC said that at that stage, the programme makers had to consider the possibility that early disclosure of the nature of the allegations might have resulted in a lack of co-operation from the Complainants or even measures being taken to thwart the investigation. The BBC said that it believed that, given the public interest in the allegations being investigated, the programme was entitled to protect its investigation by exercising prudence at that stage and that the level of deception was justified in those terms. However, the BBC said that it was never its intention to withhold from the Complainants the actual focus of the investigation to the extent that the community would have been denied a sufficient right of reply to the allegations. The BBC said that the deception at the early stage was intended solely to facilitate the preparation of the programme. The BBC said it believed that the subject matter of the programme – child abuse within the community and the inadequacies in the community’s response which may have left children at serious risk – was self-evidently in the public interest and the relatively minor degree of deception involved in bringing the story to public attention was justified. c) In summary, the BBC responded to the complaint that the Complainants had not been provided with a sufficient right of reply as follows: The BBC said that there was no requirement in Ofcom’s Broadcasting Code that allegations should be put at the earliest opportunity or during filming. The BBC said that it believed that the Complainants were given more than sufficient notice of the allegations being investigated to allow them to provide a considered response, as evidenced by email correspondence between the BBC and the Complainants and the BBC’s extended efforts to accommodate an interview with a representative of the Complainants. The BBC said that the fact that, closer to transmission, the Complainants were also provided with a script and copy of the programme, underlined the BBC’s commitment to provide a sufficient right of reply to what were very serious allegations. The BBC said that the email correspondence between the BBC and the Complainants made clear that the allegations were put clearly to the Complainants well before transmission of the programme and that the BBC made strenuous efforts to accommodate an interview with a representative of the Complainants in the programme. The BBC said that the first email from the reporter setting out the allegations which were being investigated was sent on 24 April 2008, nearly a month before the programme was broadcast. The BBC said that there followed an exchange of emails over the next three weeks where further requests for responses were made and information was provided by the Complainants. The BBC said that the reporter had asked in the first email for an interview with Dr Karan Singh, the Chairman of the Auroville Foundation. However, this invitation was declined. The BBC said that it was not true that it was only after strong protests from the Working Committee that the BBC agreed to conduct an interview. The BBC said that, during further discussions on 19 May 2008, it became clear that the Complainants were now interested in providing someone for interview for the programme, but that there appeared to have been internal confusion between Auroville’s Outreach Media1, the Working Committee and the International Board as to who would be dealing with the matter. At that stage, therefore, the BBC said that efforts resumed to try to provide facilities for a studio interview for Newsnight. On the morning of 20 May 2008, the BBC said that the script of the programme was sent to the Complainants and they replied with comments the following day. The BBC said that on the basis of the Complainants’ reply some minor amendments were made to the script. The BBC said that a recording of the programme was sent to the Complainants by email prior to transmission. The BBC said that it became evident by the afternoon of 21 May 2008 that a studio interview would not be logistically possible, and so alternative arrangements were made to interview Mr. Thieme by Skype for inclusion at the end of the programme. The BBC said that the interview covered the central issues in the programme: whether there was evidence for the allegations being made; the credibility of the witnesses; and the steps that the Complainants had taken to deal with allegations or suspicions of child abuse as they arose. The BBC said that Mr. Thieme responded at length to the questions put by Mr. Jeremy Paxman. The BBC said that given all of this, it could not agree that the Complainants were not given a sufficient right of reply. The BBC said that the main allegations were put to the Complainants well in advance of transmission, and the specific form in 1 The Auroville department set up to look after the logistics of visiting journalists, which the allegations would be made was clarified in the script and recording which were provided to the Complainants before transmission and before the interview with Mr. Thieme. The BBC said that it acknowledged that a studio interview would have been preferable to a telephone interview via Skype and that it used its best endeavors to arrange that but, because of the Complainants’ own internal confusion, it was left with insufficient time to do so. Nevertheless, the BBC said that the interview which took place provided sufficient opportunity for Mr. Thieme to respond fully to the allegations contained in the programme. The BBC’s Supplementary Statement As it appeared to Ofcom that there may be a fundamental misunderstanding between the parties about what the terms “Auroville” and “Aurovilian” covered, Ofcom asked the BBC to set out what it believed the definitions of Auroville and Aurovilians were. Were they a limited area with 2,000 residents over which the Complainants could exert some control, as the Complainants said, or a wider area and a wider group of people? The definition of Auroville the BBC said that the geographical definition of Auroville was a matter where the formal, legal position and the practical reality were not the same. The BBC said that the formal delineation of Auroville only began with the Auroville Act, which imposed a duty to provide a “Master Plan” for the Auroville project which would create a geographical definition. The BBC said that the Master Plan on the Complainants’ website showed that the population of Auroville exceeded by a considerable margin the 2,000 claimed by the Complainants, which referred only to Auroville residents – i.e. those that had been accepted into membership of the Auroville project. The BBC said that the Auroville boundaries had subsumed local villages whose residents did not fall into this category. The BBC said that a total of six villages were included in the central Auroville area, where some 8,000 local people lived. The BBC said that Auroville had proceeded to extend its limits by purchasing additional land, some of which was contiguous with the original area, and some of which was not. Locally, because of this growth, the BBC said that the area considered to be “Auroville” was much wider than the more narrowly-defined area over which the Complainants said they had jurisdiction, and the postal address “Auroville” was used to cover an area even wider than the land owned by Auroville. The BBC said that it was misleading to argue that the definition of Auroville’s limits should be confined to the central area. The BBC said that it believed that a broader, less legalistic understanding of the geographical limits of Auroville conformed more to the practical reality and that no unfairness necessarily attached to those parts of the programme complained of where that broader definition informed the allegations being made. Auroville Beach the BBC said that the issue of jurisdiction over Auroville beach did not rest upon determining legal ownership or whether it fell within a particular definition of Auroville. The BBC said that it believed that, while it was unarguably the case that the beach was publicly owned and not legally owned by Auroville, the Complainants were being disingenuous when they claimed that they had no jurisdiction over it. The BBC said the facts were that though they did not own it, the Complainants had a proprietary attitude towards the beach in question (situated in front of the Repos restaurant, which was owned by Auroville), and treated it as their own. The BBC said that it was on the section of beach controlled, if not owned, by Auroville, that the reporter observed a man taking a young boy into nearby huts. The BBC said that it was not clear whether the huts were on public land or the Repos land belonging to Auroville, but the man was observed with the boy on the section of beach to which the BBC said that the Complainants attempted to control access. The BBC said that a second European man with a very young local boy accompanying him was seen leaving the beach by the Repos exit, suggesting that he was highly likely to have been an Auroville member or guest. The BBC said that it did not believe therefore, that the fact that Auroville did not legally own the beach rendered the programme’s report of what was seen there unfair.


 


Mr. Keim


 


The BBC referred to a copy of a note which it said was provided by the Auroville Entry Group (which regulated the admission of Newcomers to Auroville) to Mr. Batra in 2004. The BBC said that the note was provided to Mr. Batra at a time when the Secretary of Auroville had instructed Working Committee members to co-operate with Mr. Batra in investigating the matter of Mr. Keim. The BBC said that the note, which the BBC said was drawn from the Entry Group’s file on Mr. Keim, revealed that: · Evidence of his activities with children first came to light between April and September 1996, yet Mr. Keim was granted a further visa extension (supported by the Auroville Visa Service) in September 1996. · Despite what was known about him, Mr. Keim’s “Newcomer process” was not terminated until April 1997. The BBC said that during that time he was allowed to carry on living in central Auroville, where children were put at risk by his presence. · Had the authorities been informed when the allegations first came to light, it was inconceivable that Mr. Keim would have been granted a visa extension in September 1996. The BBC said that despite the Complainants’ claim that they “informed the RRO” in September 1996, there was actually no record in the Auroville note that this happened, then or later. The BBC said that it did not dispute that Mr. Keim lived in Pondicherry after he was asked to leave Auroville. However, the BBC said that he was able to freely visit Auroville without any efforts being made by the Complainants to exclude him and frequently did so. The BBC said that it acknowledged that the facts did not conclusively demonstrate that Mr. Keim continued to have contact with children in Auroville, as stated in the programme. However, the BBC said that it did not believe that any unfairness arose from that, as it was immaterial whether the children whom he had continued contact with were in Auroville or not.


 


The Complainants’ comments on the BBC’s case


 


In summary, the Complainants responded to the BBC’s comments in relation to the head of complaint that the Complainants were portrayed unfairly as follows: i) Rampant child abuse In response to the BBC’s statement that the word “rampant” did not appear in the programme, the Complainants said that a programme could not be judged only by the exact words that were used in it and that what mattered was what the viewers took home. · The Complainants said that Mr. Batra was not excluded from Auroville because he tried to have the matter of child abuse addressed. They said that he had never contacted them on the matter of perceived child sexual abuse, nor had he ever campaigned publicly for the Complainants to take the issue seriously and investigate allegations. The Complainants said that Mr. Batra had not been involved in the case of Mr. Keim which was dealt with by them in 1996/1997, long before Mr. Batra came to Auroville as a guest. Nor was he involved in a case dealt with by the Complainants in October/November 2004.


 


The Complainants said that Mr. Nandhivarman had never contacted them on the matter of perceived child sexual abuse and that he only started his attacks on the Complainants in 2008 after the BBC broadcast the programme on Auroville. · The Complainants said that they believed that the witness Shiva was unreliable and was trying to “satisfy” the reporter. The Complainants said that another primary school existed a stones-throw from New Creation School where parents could have moved their children if they had had concerns. · The Complainants said that they did not accept the reporter’s statements that other witnesses had corroborated the allegations made. The Complainants said that in relation to what went on at the beach, they considered that the opinion of local people on what they thought was happening were irrelevant. The Complainants said that from the points made in the BBC’s statement, they concluded that the BBC’s allegation that there was a “serious problem of child abuse in Auroville involving some residents of Auroville” was incorrect. The Complainants said that the BBC had not proven there was a serious problem of child abuse in Auroville which had not been effectively addressed by the Complainants. The Complainants said that over the last 15 years they had responsibly dealt with five cases of alleged or proven paedophilia. For a community of now 2,000 people that attracted thousands of guests a year, they considered that the figure did not amount to a serious problem of child abuse. In relation to the first intranet extract, the Complainants said that the BBC omitted to refer to the opinions of other Aurovilians on the statement, e.g. of one who responded that “The petition has no substance at all and adds to a depressing chain of rumours…” or of another who wrote “I hope that you have the correct evidence to back up your assertions”. The Complainants asked why was the opinion of one single resident of Auroville regarded by the BBC as the truth, while the comments on his posting by fellow residents were ignored. The Complainants said they disagreed with the BBC’s statement about the second intranet posting. They said that the posting was taken from a report of the Auroville Security Service. The individual was fully identified in that report and was, as far as the Complainants were aware, never involved with paedophilia but was roaming the area in a mentally unstable state. The Complainants said they objected to the BBC’s statement that “what was recorded in the posting applied equally to other Auroville residents”. The Complainants said that the BBC had misread an email from Outreach Media and that no allegations of child abuse had been made against one resident and that the other had been the subject of false allegations investigated and determined to be unfounded by the Complainants. In relation to Mr. Keim, the Complainants pointed out that the case of Mr. Keim was more than 12 years old (more than 11 years when the reporter made the programme). The Complainants said that the BBC’s statement that “Keim was allowed to work in Auroville for another five years after he was expelled” implied that Mr. Keim would have traveled the (dangerous) road from Pondicherry to Auroville for a period of five years i.e. from 1997-2002, to teach at a place he was expelled from. The Complainants said that defied all logic. The Complainants said in relation to the length of time Mr. Keim was in Auroville, in fact Mr. Keim joined Auroville on 14 December 1995, when he was granted Newcomer status, that status was revoked in September 1996, i.e. a few days more than the eight months Mr. Thieme mentioned in the programme. The Complainants said that the observation by the Aurovilian that Mr. Keim stayed longer was basically correct, in that Mr. Keim, after attempts to come to an agreement with him were unsuccessful, only left Auroville in April 1997. However, the Complainants said that the Aurovilian had not corroborated the statements of Mr. Batra and Mr. Nandhivarman that Mr. Keim was allowed to work in Auroville for another five years after he was expelled. ii) The Complainants said that they did not believe that the reporter obtained evidence to support the claim that “many local people say the place [Auroville] exploits them”. In relation to the number of Tamil villagers joining Auroville, the Complainants said that one of the conditions for living in Auroville was that people had to find a place to live. In the last 10 years, this had become a serious problem. The Complainants said that many people from the local villages lacked the financial means to contribute to building an apartment and the Complainants did not have the means to offer many apartments “for free”. That was one of the reasons why the Complainants had been hesitant to admit people from the surrounding villages in recent years.


 


The Complainants said that another reason was that the Entry Group had often questioned the motivation of many people from the villages wanting to join Auroville, as quite a few had no other objective than to increase their material prosperity and status. The Complainants said that the Entry Group included Tamil Aurovilians, who often hailed from the same villages as the people who wished to join. The Complainants said that they did not maintain separate statistics of where Indian Aurovilians come from, however by July 2009 Auroville had 2,120 residents, of which 904 were Indians. The Complainants said that a reliable estimate showed that of those 904 Indians, about 700 were Tamils, showing a preponderance of Tamil Aurovilians in the Auroville population. Referring to the interview with the anonymous villager, the Complainants said that it was quite reasonable to request the villager to sell the land to them if the land was located in the city or greenbelt area marked in the Master Plan of the future city if the villager was planning to sell the land. The Complainants said that it was illogical to even assume that they would take a villager to court if s/he didn’t want to sell land to them. The Complainants had no legal grounds to acquire the land mentioned in the Master Plan. The Master Plan had no legal power whatsoever, it was just a plan, and the Complainants would not stand any chance of success in court. iii) The Complainants said that the programme gave the impression that they were an anarchic sect and that this was communicated to the BBC by many people. The Complainants said that the BBC had ignored the condition that their original founder, The Mother, had made to achieving divine anarchy, namely that people need to be conscious of their psychic being and guided by it and that the ego’s authority and influence must disappear. Only under those conditions was divine anarchy a possibility. iv) The Complainants said that they considered the number of inaccuracies in the programme was so large that it justified the use of the word unfairness. They also considered it was unfair for the BBC to have broadcast the programme without correcting many inaccuracies and mistakes that had been pointed out by the Complainants. c) In summary, the Complainants responded to the BBC’s statement about no appropriate opportunity to respond as follows: The Complainants said that the time given to the Working Committee to comment          on the transcript – less than 24 hours – was not sufficient The Complainants said that they did not agree that the reporter was open about the allegations a month before the programme was broadcast. They said that it was only after the reporter was back in England, on 24 April 2008, less than a month before the broadcast, that she first requested Outreach Media to respond to allegations of paedophilia in Auroville and that the Complainants didn’t scrutinize their members or their visitors. The Complainants said that the reporter was simply asking for more information, which she was given by Outreach Media. There was no statement such as “I have decided to make a programme on paedophilia in Auroville” and it was only during the correspondence that the Outreach Media team started to get inkling that the reporter had deceived them about the true purpose of her programme.


 


The Complainants said that they did not agree that there was any internal confusion. The issue was that most members of the Working Committee were on holiday or were going on holiday when the issue came to a head. The Complainants’ comments on the BBC’s supplementary statement. In summary, the Complainants responded to the BBC’s supplementary statement as follows:


 


Definition of Auroville


 


The Complainants said that the BBC’s submission that the inclusion of the villages in the Master Plan showed that the population of Auroville exceeded by a considerable margin the 2,000 claimed by the Complainants was a misunderstanding of the situation. The Complainants said that the villagers lived their own lives on their own land and in their own houses, which had never been part of or relatable to Auroville as defined in the Auroville Act. Furthermore, the Complainants said that the Auroville Act specified that a resident was to be registered in the Register of Residents maintained by the Secretary of the Auroville Foundation. The Complainants said that none of the villagers living in the villages mentioned in the Master Plan were registered in the Register of Residents, except those who had made the decision to join Auroville and had been admitted as residents. The Complainants said that Auroville did not own anywhere near all the land specified in the Master Plan. As much as 176 acres in the actual city area and approximately 2,000 acres in the encircling greenbelt area were owned by people from the surrounding villages. The Complainants said that it was incorrect for the BBC to say that access to privately-owned land could only be obtained via land owned by Auroville. The Complainants said that villagers had normal access to their land and that most roads in the Auroville area were public and did not belong to Auroville. The Complainants said that they could only account for what happened on the land and in the houses owned by them. They said that they had no control over, and nothing to say about what happened inside the villages, on village-owned land, on Government-owned land or on any public beach or road. The “Auroville” beach The Complainants said that Repos was a piece of land owned by Auroville which was located adjacent to the beach and was inhabited by residents of Auroville. They said it offered limited facilities to Aurovilians and Auroville guests on their way to and from the beach and those security guards posted near the Repos entrance gates checked if people were Aurovilians or guests of Auroville. The Complainants said that as hooliganism was on the increase, and as certain Indian men liked to harass foreign women dressed in beachwear, it had become necessary to install a guard on the beach. The Complainants said that such measures did not in any way imply that they controlled the beach. The Complainants said that non-Aurovilians and non-Auroville guests could walk around the perimeter of Repos (two minutes) to access the same stretch of beach in front of Repos or go to other parts of the beach. The Complainants had no authority to prevent anybody from using the beach in front of Repos, and as the BBC said, that often happened. The Complainants said that as they did not have a proprietary attitude towards the beach, the BBC’s suggestion that that attitude made the Complainants accountable for what happened on the beach was wrong. Mr. Keim The Complainants said that they had not found in the files of the Working Committee or in the files of the Secretary of the Auroville Foundation any instruction from the Secretary to the Working Committee to co-operate with Mr. Batra in this matter. In addition, they said that the note provided by the BBC was at certain points incorrect and did not contain full data. The Complainants therefore questioned whether Mr. Batra had received the note from the Entry Group in 2004. The Complainants said that the BBC had drawn conclusions from the note that was not borne out by the contents of the note. The Complainants said that the note did not show any evidence that Mr. Keim’s activities with children came to light between April and September 1996, it only stated that Mr. Keim was granted Newcomer status on 14 December 1995 and that a six month extension letter was issued to the Indian High Commission in Sri Lanka in April 1996. The Complainants said that Mr. Keim had arrived in India on a one year visa valid until 26 October 1996 and, in accordance with the then current regulations of the Government of India, the Visa Service of Auroville issued recommendations for a visa extension six months before the expiry of the visa. In the case of Mr. Keim, that was April 1996. The Complainants said that the note wrongly stated that Mr. Keim’s visa extension was refused in September 1996. His visa extension was granted until 25 April 1997 and in September 1996; Mr. Keim’s Newcomer process was terminated. The Complainants said that attempts were made to come to an agreement with Mr. Keim about his attitude to children. Pending the discussions, the Visa Service of Auroville issued, in October 1996, a second letter of recommendation for another six month extension (again six months before the expiry of the visa). The Complainants said that the attempts to come to an agreement with Mr. Keim failed and the note specified the reasons why. Mr. Keim left Auroville on 8 April 1997 and this was communicated by the Entry Group to the Secretary of the Auroville Foundation and to the RRO one day later. However, the Complainants said that Mr. Keim’s second visa extension had been granted in the meantime until 25 October 1997. The Complainants said that they were not aware why the Pondicherry authorities did not take action against Mr. Keim, or how Mr. Keim managed to continue living in India for many years after the Indian authorities were informed that he had left Auroville. The Complainants also noted that in the BBC’s supplementary statement it blamed them for Mr. Keim traveling through Auroville after he had been expelled. The Complainants said that since most of the roads that passed through Auroville were public and Auroville had no fence around it, it was possible that Mr. Keim had traveled through or around Auroville at some point in time after he was expelled. The Complainants said that in their files was a note from a former Secretary to the Auroville Foundation to the RRO dated 20 September 1999, which stated:


 


“Dear Sir,


This is regarding the case of Mr. Didier Keim, French national, who left Auroville on 08-04-1997. We have learned that this individual is still staying in the vicinity of Auroville. His presence is not desirable as he is suspected to be a paedophile. We have received reports from the Visitors’ Centre of Auroville that he was seen in this area with some local children. We request you to take urgent steps those persons are not allowed to stay in and around Auroville / India and he may not be given visa to enter India again after he is deported”. The Complainants said that the letter was clear evidence that they did pursue efforts to get Mr. Keim evicted from India long after he had already been expelled from Auroville.


 


BBC’s response to the Complainants’ comments on the BBC’s case


 


In summary, the BBC responded to the Complainants’ comments as follows: Rampant child abuse The BBC said that it had nothing further to add to its statement in relation to this point. · The BBC said that Mr. Batra denied the claims made by the Complainants. The BBC said that when Mr. Batra was declared persona non grata by the Complainants in December 2004 the reason given was indeed that stated by the Complainants. However, Mr. Batra believed that was merely a pretext to remove him after he had assisted an individual in a legal action against an Auroville member and had raised issues of child abuse which the Complainants were reluctant to acknowledge and deal with. · The BBC said that it was plain from the fact that Mr. Nandhivarman was a source of information and contacts for the reporter that his concerns about child abuse at Auroville must have predated the broadcast of the programme, as indeed they did. The BBC said that the fact that he had not been writing a public blog on the issue did not mean that he did not have serious concerns. The BBC also said that the fact that Mr. Nandhivarman was publicly criticizing the Complainants did not undermine his status as a witness, given that the testimony which he provided to the programme was corroborated by other witnesses. · In relation to Mr. Keim, the BBC said that it believed that the case of Mr. Keim clearly demonstrated that the Complainants’ approach to dealing with allegations of child abuse had been open to criticism, and had placed children at risk. The BBC said that it had now obtained, from the criminal court in Pondicherry, copies of documents gathered during the police investigation into the case of Mr. Keim in 2002. From those documents, the BBC said that it become clear that the Complainants’ response to Mr. Keim’s case had, at every significant stage, been wholly inadequate. On the issue of whether Mr. Keim continued to have access to children in Auroville for a further five years, the BBC said it had nothing to add to except to reiterate its belief, which was strengthened by the documentation from the court, that the Complainants’ behaviour was so irresponsible and reckless that no unfairness arose from any discrepancy in the time periods during which Mr. Keim continued to be allowed to pose a risk to children in Auroville. The Complainants’ final response in respect of Mr. Keim only In summary the Complainants responded to the BBC’s comments in relation to Mr. Keim as follows: The Complainants said that the BBC had not provided any evidence and therefore had no justification for its innuendo that they handled any other cases of alleged paedophilia in the same way as the BBC believed the Complainants handled Mr. Keim’s case. The Complainants noted that the BBC had acknowledged that the “five years” statement in relation to Mr. Keim was incorrect. The Complainants said that the BBC’s allegations about Mr. Keim had made it necessary to do a complete investigation into the files of the Auroville Residents’ Service, the Entry Group, the Auroville Archives and the Auroville Foundation. The Complainants provided a chronology of Mr. Keim’s stay in Auroville and each point of the chronology was supported by a document. The Complainants said that the chronology showed that Mr. Keim first came to Auroville as a tourist on 1 December 1994 and that he did not leave Auroville because of allegations of paedophilia. The Complainants said that nowhere in the files could the words paedophilia or child sexual abuse be found. The Complainants said that Mr. Keim left because he failed to honour an agreement reached between him, the Entry Group and an ad-hoc group. The Complainants said that only in a letter of 20 September 1999 from the Secretary of the Auroville Foundation to the RRO, was there reference to rumoured paedophile activities of Mr. Keim. Complaining about the presence of Mr. Keim in the vicinity of Auroville, stating that “his presence is not desirable as he is suspected to be a paedophile”, the Secretary asked the RRO to take urgent steps to see that such persons were not allowed to stay in and around Auroville/India and that he may not be given a visa to enter India again after he was deported. The Complainants said that the letter was written two years and five months after Mr. Keim left Auroville on 8 April 1997. The BBC’s final response in respect of Mr. Keim In summary, the BBC responded to the Complainants’ comments in relation to Mr. Keim as follows:


 


In response to the Complainants’ statement that the BBC was not justified in suggesting that the Complainants handled any other cases in the same way as Mr. Keim’s case because it had provided no evidence for the existence of other cases, the BBC attached a statement from a former teacher at the New Creation School, who described how the Complainants responded when she raised concerns of “highly inappropriate” behavior by a teacher at the school. The BBC said it believed that the statement spoke for itself.


 


The case of Mr. Keim: The BBC said that the Complainants’ latest claims in respect of Mr. Keim’s case were astonishing. The BBC said that it followed, that the Complainants could not claim to have been unfairly treated by the programme where allegations made by the programme relied upon what was presented as fact by the Complainants themselves. The BBC said that in response, the Complainants now claimed that they couldn’t have taken any other action because they did not, after all, have any idea that he was abusing children. The BBC said that it believed that this argument was wholly specious. The Complainants’ final response in respect of the former teacher only in response to the statement of the former teacher, the Complainants attached five statements which they said showed that her statement, as evidence of other cases, could not be sustained. Decision Ofcom’s statutory duties include the application, in the case of all television and radio services, of standards which provide adequate protection to members of the public and all other persons from unfair treatment and unwarranted infringement of privacy in, or in the making of, programmes included in such services. In carrying out its duties, Ofcom has regard to the need to secure that the application of these standards is in the manner that best guarantees an appropriate level of freedom of expression. Ofcom is also obliged to have regard, in all cases, to the principles under which regulatory activities should be transparent, accountable, proportionate and consistent and targeted only at cases in which action is needed. In reaching its decision, Ofcom considered all the relevant material provided by both parties. This included a recording and transcript of the programme as broadcast, both parties’ written submissions and supporting material. a) i) Ofcom first considered the complaint that the Complainants were unfairly portrayed because the programme wrongly and unfairly suggested that paedophilia was “rampant” in Auroville and that “nothing” was being done about it. Ofcom considered whether the programme makers’ actions ensured that the programme as broadcast avoided unjust or unfair treatment of the Complainants, as set out in Rule 7.1 of the Ofcom Broadcasting Code (“the Code”). In particular, Ofcom considered whether the programme makers took reasonable care to satisfy themselves that material facts were not presented, disregarded or omitted in a way that was unfair to the Complainants (as outlined in Practice 7.9 of the Code). Ofcom noted that the BBC accepted that the programme had suggested that there was a serious problem of child abuse involving some residents of Auroville which had not been effectively addressed by the Complainants, but that it did not accept that the programme suggested paedophilia was “rampant” in Auroville or that “nothing” was being done about it. Having viewed the programme as broadcast, Ofcom considered that “rampant” was too strong a characterization of the allegations of child abuse reported by the programme. In Ofcom’s view, the programme presented allegations that there was a serious and widespread problem of child abuse in Auroville. In addition, Ofcom considered that the suggestion that “nothing” was being done by the Complainants about child abuse in Auroville was not made by the programme. Instead, Ofcom considered that the allegations presented in the programme were that the Complainants’ response to the issue of child abuse in Auroville was ineffective and inadequate. Ofcom noted that these were relatively fine distinctions, that the allegations presented were of a serious nature and that the BBC did not seek to rely solely on the precise wording of the complaint, but instead presented evidence addressing the issue of paedophilia and the Complainants’ response to it.Ofcom therefore proceeded to consider whether the Complainants were unfairly portrayed because the programme suggested that child abuse was a serious and widespread problem in Auroville and that the Complainants’ response to it was ineffective and inadequate. The parties submitted a substantial amount of material to Ofcom including material gathered after the broadcast of the programme. It should be noted, however, that Ofcom’s role was not to establish whether child abuse was in fact a serious and widespread problem in Auroville or whether the response to it by the Complainants was ineffective and inadequate. Ofcom’s role was to determine whether, in broadcasting the allegations, the programme makers took reasonable care not to present, disregard or omit material facts in a way that was unfair to the Complainants.


 


The Code recognizes the freedom of broadcasters to broadcast matters of genuine public interest and seeks to ensure that, in presenting serious allegations, they take reasonable care not to do so in a way that causes unfairness to individuals or organizations. In this case, Ofcom recognized that it was in the public interest to report on allegations such as those covered by the programme, but that this needed to be consistent with the requirement of fairness and other requirements of the Code. The programme presented a number of allegations regarding the Complainants and items of evidence, including statements from individuals and extracts from the Complainants’ intranet. The Complainants’ rejection of the allegations was noted at certain points in the report itself and more comprehensively in the broadcast interview by Mr. Jeremy Paxman of Mr. Carel Thieme at the end of the report. The key items of evidence and the manner in which they were presented are set out below:


 


Interview with Mr. Raj Batra : In summary, Mr. Batra, a former guest in Auroville, said in the programme that after villagers complained to him about allegations of child abuse by Aurovilians and visiting tourists he had spoken to people in Auroville about it and had been asked whether the allegations concerned the children of villagers or of Aurovilians. Given it was the former, Mr. Batra said they said “then it’s nothing to do with us”. He also noted that Auroville was “the kind of environment in which every parasite is going to turn up and get away with a hell of a lot of abuse and exploitation” and was in an underdeveloped part of India with weak institutions, with the clear implication that the Complainants were not fulfilling their obligations in that context. The Complainants stated that Mr. Batra had a grudge against them and also stated in their response to the BBC after receipt of the proposed transcript of the programme that Mr. Batra was asked to leave Auroville for making false representations about his passport and background and due to complaints about “anti-social and destructive behaviour”. The BBC stated that Mr. Batra considered this to have been a pretext and that he believed the real reason for his removal related to his complaints about child abuse in the community. Ofcom noted that Mr. Batra and the Complainants disagreed about the reasons for his departure from Auroville and the motives for his statements in the programme. However, the fact that there was a dispute about Mr. Batra’s motives was not in itself necessarily a reason not to include his allegations. Mr. Thieme in his interview at the end of the report made it clear that the Complainants disputed the substance of Mr. Batra’s allegations. He stated: “I do not accept the statements which have been made in the … transcript which we were shown this morning … I think that the script was full of inaccuracies, innuendos and accusations without being substantiated in any way”. “Well the question is why … any of those witnesses haven’t come to any of the relevant authorities … None of them have ever bothered to complain, so what’s the value of these kind of witnesses?”. Ofcom noted that the reporter’s comment that “He [Mr. Batra] left [Auroville] after villagers complained to him about child abuse from Aurovilians and also visiting tourists”, took at face value the reasons given by Mr. Batra for his leaving Auroville, even though the Complainants’ response to the script made it clear those reasons were disputed. Ofcom considered that there could have been merit in the BBC including a statement in the programme that the Complainants disputed not just the substance of Mr. Batra’s allegations but also his motives for making them. However, Ofcom considered, given that it was clear from the programme that Mr. Batra had left Auroville and was now making serious allegations about the Complainants, viewers would have been in a position to decide what weight to attach to Mr. Batra’s contributions to the programme. As a result, Ofcom did not consider that the absence of a qualifying statement in the circumstances of the programme as a whole meant that the broadcaster had presented, disregarded or omitted material facts in relation to Mr. Batra’s statements in a way that was unfair to the Complainants.


 


Interview with Mr. N Nandhivarman


 


In summary, Mr. Nandhivarman, a local politician, said paedophiles were not necessarily Aurovilians, but often tourists who heard about the availability of sex and came to stay in Auroville as visitors. He expressed concern that many were slipping through the net as the local police turned a blind eye and some people were simply being deported from Auroville. Following the allegations about Mr. Keim, he stated that “until a man is publicly exposed, they [the Complainants] shield him” before “technically” expelling him. The Complainants stated that Mr. Nandhivarman had a history of antipathy towards them and also stated in their immediate response to the BBC on receiving the transcript of the programme that the “shielding” statement was absolutely incorrect. The Complainants also said that Mr. Nandhivarman was not referring to the situation in Auroville, but in nearby Pondicherry where the police may be turning a blind eye and where Auroville had no power to do anything about paedophilia. Ofcom considered that Mr. Nandhivarman’s status as a local politician (rather than an eyewitness for example) was made clear in the programme and that viewers would have understood his role in making the comments that he did. It was clear from the nature of Mr. Nandhivarman’s comments that there was tension in his relationship with Auroville, whether because of the issue he referred to or for other reasons. In the circumstances, Ofcom considered that even if the programme had explicitly stated that Mr. Nandhivarman had antipathy for the Complainants it would not have had a material effect upon viewers’ understanding of his comments. As a result, Ofcom did not consider that in relation to the comments of Mr. Nandhivarman in the programme, material facts had been presented, disregarded or omitted in a way that resulted in unfairness to the Complainants.


 


Interview with an anonymous villager, “Sundrun”


 


In summary, Sundrun, the name applied to an anonymous local villager, said he had been abused from the age of 10 by an Aurovilian white man and that abuse was still occurring involving other children at a beach near Auroville and areas around it. It was clear from the fact that the programme depicted Sundrun as an adult and his use of the past tense when describing his own experience that the events described happened some time ago. The Complainants, in their immediate response to the BBC on receiving the transcript of the programme, expressed sympathy for Sundrun’s personal situation but said that had he informed the Complainants of the allegations, the offender would have been removed from Auroville and a police case would have been started immediately. In their complaint to Ofcom, the Complainants claimed that the programme had suggested that Sundrun had reported the abuse to the Complainants who had taken no action. Ofcom did not consider the programme implied Sundrun had reported his allegations to the Complainants at the time. As a result, in Ofcom’s view, the broadcaster took reasonable care not to present, disregard or omits material facts in relation to Sundrun’s personal situation in a way that resulted in unfairness to the Complainants. Interview with an anonymous villager, “Shiva” Shiva, the name applied to an anonymous local villager, stated in the programme: “Some children here are currently being abused, particularly in the New Creation School. Men come in and ask them to stay after school and have sex with them, giving food and paying them. The children get used to this life, to the money and they’re going back for more”. The Complainants, in their immediate response to the BBC on receiving the transcript of the programme (which featured the more specific allegation by Shiva that “one in five” children were being abused) stated that it was untrue and unimaginable that one in five children were being abused. The Complainants said that the management would not tolerate it and that no parent would send their child to such a school given there were other schools in the area. In addition, prior to broadcast a number of other people associated with Auroville wrote to the Editor of Newsnight expressing disbelief at this allegation including the Secretary of Auroville International UK, a registered charity. Ofcom noted that as a result of these submissions, the BBC removed the reference to “one in five children” from the transcript and this element of the allegation was not included in the programme as broadcast. In respect of the general allegation of child abuse that was included, Ofcom recognized that Shiva was not speaking from first-hand experience and that he remained anonymous which made it harder for Auroville to respond in full to his allegations. However, the programme did not suggest Shiva was relaying firsthand experience of abuse, and Ofcom considered there was clear justification for anonymity given the tensions between the Complainants and others living locally (whether or not the allegations about fear of reprisals considered below were in fact well founded). The fact that the Complainants denied Shiva’s more general allegations was made clear in the programme in Mr. Thieme’s interview (see above) and Ofcom considered that the BBC had taken reasonable care not to present, disregard or omit material facts in relation to Shiva’s allegations in a way that resulted in unfairness to the Complainants.


 


Interview with Mr. Gilles Guigan


 


Mr. Guigan stated in the programme: “Basically the project of Auroville is the ideal society and any society can only reflect the quality of its members. You cannot have an ideal society with no ideal members”. The Complainants considered Mr. Guigan’s comments were used out of context to support the programme’s allegations regarding child abuse in Auroville. Mr. Guigan himself provided a statement, via the Complainants, in support of the complaint stating his objections to the manner in which the reporter secured an interview and the fact his interview was used in a programme reporting serious allegations about the Complainants which he did not support. Ofcom considered it was clear from the context in which Mr. Guigan’s comments appeared in the programme as broadcast that they did not relate specifically to allegations of child abuse made earlier in the programme, but referred to the aspiration of Auroville to become an ideal society. In the circumstances, Ofcom did not consider that Mr. Guigan’s comments were presented out of context and did not result in unfairness to the Complainants.


 


Mr. Ram Kumar Raj


 


Mr. Raj stated in the programme: “The sexual abuse issue has to be taken seriously by this Foundation, Auroville Foundation, they should scrutinize people stepping into their Foundation or visiting their Foundation, or they want to stay at their Foundation, make it very clear their intention – that if you are coming to our Foundation, you should follow the things and we will be watching you”. Mr. Raj said, in a letter to the Working Committee after the programme was broadcast (included in the Complainants’ submission to Ofcom), that his broadcast statement was taken out of context and that he did not have specific concerns about child abuse in Auroville, but had instead told the reporter that Auroville, like everyone else in the area, had to take the problem seriously and scrutinize visitors staying there. The BBC indicated that from his interview it was quite clear that Mr. Raj had concerns directed specifically at issues of child abuse in and around Auroville itself. Ofcom viewed the unedited interview with Mr. Raj and noted that, as the programme said, part of his work related to educating children about child abuse and how to avoid it. It appeared to Ofcom that Mr. Raj’s concern about child abuse stemmed from the increase in tourism to the Pondicherry and Auroville areas which he said had attracted a percentage of tourists who were involved in child abuse. In Ofcom’s view, during the interview, both Mr. Raj and the reporter made little distinction between Pondicherry and Auroville, and the reporter stated in the interview “well they are almost interlinked”. It was clear that Mr. Raj was aware that a number of tourists booked accommodation in the area via the Complainants’ website and Ofcom noted that when he was asked specifically about what Auroville could do about the child abuse problem, he said that the Complainants should scrutinize the tourists they attracted more thoroughly and warn them that they would be doing so. The issue for Ofcom was whether the programme took reasonable care to ensure the extract of the interview with Mr. Raj was presented in a way that was fair to the Complainants. Ofcom accepted that Mr. Raj was concerned about child abuse in the Pondicherry and Auroville area rather than only in Auroville. However, Ofcom did not consider that his broadcast remarks about steps the Complainants could take about the issue were presented out of context, or gave an exaggerated view of Mr. Raj’s concerns about Auroville as expressed in the unedited interview. In Ofcom’s view, Mr. Raj’s concerns were not presented in the programme as relating only to Auroville, but simply relating to the steps he would like to see Auroville take to address the wider issue of child abuse by foreign visitors to the area. In those circumstances, Ofcom did not consider there was any unfairness to the Complainants.


 


Comments of the reporter


 


The reporter said that she herself had seen, in the space of two hours at a beach near Auroville, two separate men with two young Indian boys, one of whom was taken to a beach hut. She said that, when she asked locals what was going on, she had been told “boyfriends”. She prefaced her personal observations with the comment that, “This is the beach where Aurovilians hang out with family and friends. It’s also the beach where westerners come to pick up young Indian children”.


 


The Complainants stated that what the reporter said she saw was not evidence that child abuse took place on the beach and also stated in their immediate response to the BBC on receiving the transcript of the programme that the reporter’s comments implied Aurovilians were the abusers, that the reporter had “malicious intent” and that the beach was 5 km outside Auroville, was a public beach accessible by anyone and was not under their control. The reporter presented herself as a witness and described what she said she saw. Ofcom did not agree that the reporter’s comments implied Aurovilians themselves or their guests were the abusers. In Ofcom’s view, the clear implication was that child abuse was taking place in the beach huts and that was a fair implication to draw from what the reporter said she witnessed. The parties agreed that the beach described by the reporter was not owned by Auroville and presented significant amounts of evidence regarding its status. In essence, the issue was whether the BBC ought to have appreciated that it had so little connection with Auroville that it should not have presented the reporter’s comments as having any bearing on whether child abuse was a serious and widespread problem in Auroville and whether the Complainants’ response to it was effective or adequate. Ofcom noted that the programme did not state that the beach was owned by Auroville; merely that it was used by Aurovilians and other westerners. However, the reporter asked while still at the beach, “so is Auroville doing enough to address a practice that seems so brazen?”, which indicated to viewers that the Complainants should do something in response to activities which the reporter alleged happened quite openly on the beach frequented by Aurovilians and guests as well as others. Ofcom considered that the issue of legal ownership of the beach did not render the inclusion of the reporter’s description of what she had seen at the beach unfair. In this context, the question raised by the reporter as to whether the Complainants’ response was sufficient did not result in unfairness to the Complainants. Extracts from the Complainants’ intranet The programme referred to postings on the Complainants’ intranet. The reporter stated: “One posting openly refers to worries about abuse at the New Creation School where village children are taught”. Ofcom noted that the posting was dated 2003 and stated that there had been such problems in the past. The Complainants stated in response to the BBC on receiving the transcript of the programme that the intranet extract showed deep concern about the possibility of sexual abuse and that due to the problems with Mr. Keim; the Complainants took the prevention of abuse seriously.


 


Over scrolling footage of another posting from the Complainants’ intranet “visa has been cancelled. He has … and deported” the reporter stated: “Auroville admits that allegations of sexual abuse have been made against several of their members. Some have been told they can no longer work in India. But they say such allegations are unfounded”. In an email dated 16 May 2008 in response to an enquiry from the reporter, the Complainants stated that the man to whom the posting referred had no connection with Auroville, but had been causing trouble in the area. The BBC stated that the posting referred to an individual who had not been identified, but that the information applied equally to other Auroville residents and that as a result the posting did not give rise to unfairness. The Complainants stated in response to the BBC on receiving the transcript of the programme, but not having seen the footage of the second intranet posting, that while allegations had been made of sexual abuse against Aurovilians, no proof had been offered and individuals had been advised to leave and reported to the RRO in Pondicherry demonstrating effective action. Ofcom considered that the programme made it clear that the Complainants considered the allegations to be unfounded, but also that they had advised individuals to leave in the past.


 


In Ofcom’s view, even though the first extract from the Complainants’ intranet was from 2003, it was not unfair to include it in the programme to support an assertion that there were concerns within the community about alleged abuse. In addition, even though the second extract did not in fact relate to child abuse allegations, the Complainants had admitted (including in the broadcast interview with Mr. Thieme) they had asked people to leave and reported them to the RRO following what they said were unproven allegations of child abuse, so the second extract did not result in unfairness to the Complainants. Description of the case of Mr. Didier Keim The programme described the case of Mr. Keim, a French citizen who the Complainants stated was given “Newcomer” status in December 1995 and who had contact with children at the New Creation settlement. The reporter stated in the programme: “One man who worked at this school was Frenchman Didier Keim. Despite having a previous conviction for paedophilia in France he moved to Auroville in 1995 and began working with children. Auroville say they expelled Keim immediately they became suspicious of his behaviour. But witnesses say he continued to work with children in Auroville for another five years. He was finally arrested and sentence for paedophilia in the nearby town of Pondicherry in 2004”. The Complainants stated in their immediate response to the BBC on receiving the transcript of the programme and in their complaint to Ofcom that Mr Keim had his Newcomer status terminated in September 1996 because of alleged “misbehaviour with children”, that he had no further contact with the school, that he was told not to return to Auroville, that the RRO was informed and that his conviction in 2004 was for offences committed away from Auroville, in Pondicherry. They did not dispute the BBC’s assertion that Mr Keim had a previous conviction for paedophilia in France but stated they had not known about it at the time. Ofcom noted that the factual circumstances behind Mr. Keim’s case were disputed between the parties and that much of the evidence submitted to Ofcom about Mr. Keim was collated after the programme was broadcast. It did appear from evidence subsequently submitted that, in fact, the information supplied to the BBC by Mr. Batra and Mr. Nandhivarman that Mr. Keim continued to work with children in Auroville for five years after he was expelled was incorrect. The issue for Ofcom was whether the BBC took reasonable care to ensure that by reporting what witnesses claimed at the time of broadcast it did not present, disregard or omit material facts in relation to Mr. Keim in a way that was unfair to the Complainants. Ofcom noted that the programme made it clear that the Complainants maintained they had expelled Mr. Keim as soon as they became aware of allegations about his behaviour, that Mr. Keim had been in Auroville for “not more than eight months” (as stated in Mr. Thieme’s interview) and that he had been tried and convicted in Pondicherry. In relation to the reporter’s statement that “witnesses say he continued to work with children in Auroville for another five years”, this was indeed what witnesses had told the reporter. In the circumstances, Ofcom did not consider the description of Mr. Keim’s case was unfair to the Complainants. Interview with Mr. Carel Thieme Mr. Thieme of the Working Committee was also interviewed as part of the programme. This is considered by Ofcom below in relation to the Complainants’ opportunity to respond, but Ofcom noted that Mr. Thieme made some points immediately in response to the allegations made by the programme. In particular, Mr. Thieme made it clear that the Complainants did not accept the allegations made and considered that there were inaccuracies in the programme. He also pointed out the distinction between occurrences in Auroville itself and “around my community”. In relation to specific allegations, he stated Mr. Keim was removed within eight months of his arrival in Auroville and the Pondicherry authorities were informed. Mr. Thieme also confirmed a couple of other individuals had been asked to leave Auroville since Mr. Keim, but noted allegations against them had not been proved. Ofcom considered that Mr. Thieme’s interview, together with comments made in the programme about the Complainants’ rejection of allegations, provided an important response to the allegations reported in the programme against the Complainants. As mentioned above, Ofcom recognized the importance of freedom of expression and the freedom to broadcast matters of genuine public interest such as the allegations contained in this programme. However, it also recognized that in presenting such serious allegations the Code requires that broadcasters take reasonable care not to do so in a way that causes unfairness to individuals or organizations. In this case, taking into account each of the specific items of evidence considered above and the submissions of the parties, Ofcom did not consider that the programme presented, disregarded or omitted material facts in a way that was unfair to the Complainants in respect of the portrayal of the issue of child abuse and the Complainants’ response to it and has not upheld the complaint in this respect.


 


a)ii) Ofcom considered the complaint that the Complainants were unfairly portrayed because it was suggested wrongly and unfairly that they exploited the local Tamil villagers, that few ever become members of Auroville and that they feared reprisals from the Complainants if they spoke out. Ofcom considered whether the programme makers’ actions ensured that the programme as broadcast avoided unjust or unfair treatment of the Complainants, as set out in Rule 7.1 of the Code. In particular, Ofcom considered whether the programme makers took reasonable care to satisfy themselves that material facts were not presented, disregarded or omitted in a way that was unfair to the Complainants (as outlined in Practice 7.9 of the Code).


 


The programme reported allegations made by Tamil villagers that, as well as the alleged child abuse referred to above, there was exploitation and that local people were afraid to speak out for fear of reprisals by Aurovilians. In response to the transcript sent to them, the Complainants stated it was untrue that there was exploitation and that they were an “excellent neighbour”. Ofcom noted that the programme included a statement at the end of the report reflecting some of the positive aspects of the Complainants’ involvement in the local community, stating that: “It is also clear that Auroville has a good record in helping the local community. They run schools, employ villagers and when the Tsunami struck South India, they played a large part in the relief effort. Yet allegations of child abuse threaten to ruin that carefully crafted relationship”. Ofcom recognized that there may be a variety of reasons for villagers to make allegations about their neighbours in Auroville, and, as previously noted above, the programme made it clear, by the inclusion of Mr. Thieme’s interview, that the Complainants rejected those complaints. Ofcom also noted that the programme made clear that the Complainants had a positive record in the community. Ofcom noted that the Complainants had specific concerns about the statement in the programme that few local Tamils became members of Auroville. Ofcom recognized that only a small percentage of local villagers become members of Auroville, but that this was partly because Auroville’s population is small relative to the local Tamil population, and in fact around 30% of Aurovilians were Tamil. Ofcom considered this could have been phrased more carefully; however, it did not consider it led to unfairness in itself. With regard to the claim that the local villagers feared reprisals from the Complainants, Ofcom noted that the BBC said that the reporter had been told of several incidents of violence between Aurovilians and local Tamils and that many Tamils gave the clear impression to the reporter that they were scared of upsetting the Complainants because their livelihoods depended on them and because they felt vulnerable to acts of reprisal.


 


In response to this claim, Ofcom noted that that prior to broadcast the Complainants informed the BBC that there was no question of recriminations, that there had never been an incident of reprisal by them and that they depended upon the goodwill of their neighbours. While Ofcom noted that the Complainants’ response on this particular point was not included in the programme, it recognized that the statement of Sundrun included in the programme made clear that concerns about reprisals were directly linked to the villagers’ dependence upon the Complainants for work. Ofcom considered that viewers would have understood reluctance by villagers to criticize the source of their employment and benefits and, in that context; Ofcom did not consider that the claims about fear and reprisals would have materially affected viewers’ understanding of the Complainants in a way that was unfair to them. The programme also did not allege that local people’s fear of reprisals or for their livelihoods, or their view that exploitation took place was justified, merely that the concern had been expressed by local Tamil villagers. The Complainants themselves accepted in their response to the BBC script that there was a degree of tension at times which they put down to distrust of the “internationalism” of Auroville and unequal income levels. In the circumstances, Ofcom considered that the BBC had taken reasonable care not to present, disregard or omit material facts in relation to this allegation in a way that resulted in unfairness to the Complainants.


 


 a) iii) Ofcom considered the complaint that the Complainants were unfairly portrayed because the programme suggested wrongly and unfairly that they were an anarchic sect. Ofcom considered whether the programme makers’ actions ensured that the programme as broadcast avoided unjust or unfair treatment of the Complainants, as set out in Rule 7.1 of the Code. In particular, Ofcom considered whether the programme makers took reasonable care to satisfy themselves that material facts were not presented, disregarded or omitted in a way that was unfair to the Complainants (as outlined in Practice 7.9 of the Code). Ofcom noted that the statements made at separate points in the course of the programme that the Complainants took exception to and which they considered portrayed them as an anarchic sect were: “the anarchic utopian vision”, “Aurovilians aspire to something called divine anarchy – no rules, no leaders”, “one of the issues is that Auroville doesn’t really have a leadership structure”, “but many feel Auroville and Pondicherry have slipped beneath the radar”, “induction takes one year” and “they undergo a year’s induction before they become full members”. In response to the transcript sent to them, the Complainants made clear that they had a complex leadership and management structure, as set out in the Auroville Act, that they had rules, such as their detailed Admission Policy, that they had no aspiration for no rules and no leaders and that they were not a sect as suggested by the word “initiation” which the BBC changed to “induction” in the programme as broadcast While Ofcom noted that it was incorrect to say that the Complainants had no leadership structure, it did not consider that, when looking at the programme as a whole, it made allegations that the Complainants were anarchic or that the use of the term “induction” portrayed them as a sect in the pejorative sense. Instead, the “anarchic” references had been to the vision and aspiration of the Complainants, rather than to their current status. In the circumstances, Ofcom did not consider that the programme portrayed the Complainants as an “anarchic sect” or that the references resulted in unfairness to the Complainants. Ofcom has not therefore upheld the complaint in this respect.


 


a) iv) Ofcom considered the complaint that the Complainants were unfairly portrayed because the programme contained numerous other inaccuracies which contributed to the unfair portrayal, including suggestions that: · 16,000 Tamil villagers lived in Auroville; · The Complainants were partly financed by the Indian Government; and · Auroville’s members paid no tax. Furthermore, much of the footage broadcast was not of Auroville, but of surrounding farmland, villages and Pondicherry. Ofcom considered whether the programme makers’ actions ensured that the programme as broadcast avoided unjust or unfair treatment of the Complainants, as set out in Rule 7.1 of the Code. In particular, Ofcom considered whether the programme makers took reasonable care to satisfy themselves that material facts were not presented, disregarded or omitted in a way that was unfair to the Complainants (as outlined in Practice 7.9 of the Code). In relation to two of the specific alleged inaccuracies, Ofcom considered they were not inaccurate. First, the Complainants accepted they received a contribution from the Indian Government representing approximately 10% for some projects, so it was correct to say they were partly financed by the Indian Government. Secondly, having viewed the programme carefully, Ofcom considered no attempt was made in the programme to pass off footage of Pondicherry and of farmland and villages surrounding Auroville as being footage of Auroville.  In relation to the other two points, Ofcom considered that there were minor inaccuracies. First, it recognized that it was incorrect to state that 16,000 Tamil villagers lived in Auroville as opposed to the area surrounding Auroville. Secondly, it noted that the BBC accepted the statement that Auroville members paid no tax may have been misleading. However, in Ofcom’s view, it was unlikely that either statement would have materially affected viewers’ understanding of the Complainants or resulted in unfairness to them. Ofcom has therefore not upheld the complaint in this respect.


 


b) Ofcom considered the complaint that the Complainants were treated unfairly because the programme broadcast material obtained by deception. Ofcom considered whether the programme makers’ actions ensured that the programme as broadcast avoided unjust or unfair treatment of the Complainants, as set out in Rule 7.1 of the Code. In particular, Ofcom took into account Practice 7.14 of the Code, which states that programme makers should not normally obtain or seek material through misrepresentation or deception, but provides that it may be warranted to do so without consent if that is in the public interest and the material cannot reasonably be obtained by other means. Ofcom noted that the reporter represented herself as making a programme about the philosophy and idealism of Auroville on its 40th anniversary, rather than about allegations of child abuse. The Complainants only found out about the agenda of the programme after the reporter had left India. The BBC accepted in its submissions to Ofcom that a very limited amount of background information supplied by the Complainants was obtained by deception. It said that early disclosure of the nature of the allegations might have resulted in a lack of co-operation from the Complainants and perhaps measures to thwart the investigation. It also noted that the bulk of the material on which the allegations reported in the programme was based was obtained openly and with informed consent from parties other than the Complainants. Ofcom recognised that the use of misrepresentation or deception can in some circumstances be an important and legitimate tool for investigative journalists and that at the time the reporter was planning her visit to Auroville, she could not have known the type of reception she would receive. Ofcom also recognized that the Code does not in all cases require programme makers to spell out the content of their programme particularly where, as in this case, the programme covers a matter which is clearly in the public interest. To the extent that there was misrepresentation or deception in this case (and the BBC accepted there was to some degree), Ofcom considered that it was in the public interest and the material would be unlikely to have been obtainable by other means. In Mr. Guigan’s case, as noted above, his general statements led to no unfairness to the Complainants. In the circumstances, Ofcom has not upheld the complaint in this respect.


 


c) Ofcom considered the complaint that the Complainants were treated unfairly because they were not given an appropriate and timely opportunity to respond to the allegations made in the programme as broadcast. Ofcom considered whether the programme makers’ actions ensured that the programme as broadcast avoided unjust or unfair treatment of the Complainants, as set out in Rule 7.1 of the Code. In particular, Ofcom considered Practice 7.11 which requires that, if a programme alleges wrongdoing or incompetence or makes other significant allegations, those concerned should normally be given an appropriate and timely opportunity to respond. The programme reported serious allegations and, in fairness to the Complainants, it was therefore particularly important to provide them with an appropriate and timely opportunity to respond. However, Ofcom recognized that what constitutes an appropriate and timely opportunity to respond depends on the circumstances and that there was no requirement for the reporter necessarily to raise the allegations with the Complainants during her time in India.


 


Ofcom noted that after the reporter returned to the UK, on 24 April 2008, 27 days before the programme was broadcast, she emailed Outreach Media noting in general terms allegations regarding child abuse and asking for an interview with Dr Karan Singh about them, or for a statement from Outreach Media. On 29 April 2008, Outreach Media responded by email to the various issues raised by the reporter. They said that as Dr Singh had not been Chairman of the Governing Board at the time of the issues with Mr. Keim, he may not be able to shed further light on the matter. On 1 May 2008, the reporter sent a further email to Outreach Media which raised the allegation that villagers said child abuse was still going on but that they were fearful of speaking out because of possible recriminations. Outreach Media responded the same day expressing concern about the allegations of abuse, asking for details so they could investigate, assuring the reporter that there would be no such thing as recriminations from the Complainants and asking for details. However, due to issues of confidentiality the reporter said she was unable to supply the details requested. On 13 May 2008, the reporter emailed Outreach Media regarding allegations about Mr. Keim and three further individuals who the reporter referred to as teachers. Outreach Media provided a detailed response to this email on 16 May 2008. Auroville International UK and the Working Committee then entered into correspondence with the editor of News night and requested sight of the programme and an opportunity to provide an interview response. The BBC sent a script of the proposed programme to the Complainants on 20 May 2008 and the Working Committee sent a detailed response on 21 May 2008. Ofcom also noted that arrangements were also made for an interview with Mr. Thieme of the Working Committee. Mr. Thieme was interviewed over Skype telephone and four questions and Mr. Thieme’s responses to them were broadcast with a static picture of Mr. Thieme at the end of the programme. Ofcom considered that the email correspondence, the provision of the script and the interview with Mr. Thieme ultimately provided the Complainants with an appropriate and timely opportunity to respond to the serious allegations raised in the programme. Ofcom noted that the time allowed for the Complainants to respond to the script was quite brief, but that from the email correspondence between the reporter and Outreach Media, the Working Committee already had an indication of some of the allegations and did manage to produce a detailed response to the script in the time allowed. The Complainants had concerns that the arrangements the BBC put in place around Mr. Thieme’s interview were poor and resulted in the interview being conducted over a Skype connection broadcast over a static image of Mr. Thieme. However, this did not, in Ofcom’s view, amount to a failure to give a timely and appropriate opportunity to respond, nor did it result in unfairness to the Complainants.


 


In the circumstances, Ofcom has not upheld the complaint in this respect. Accordingly, Ofcom has not upheld Mr. Thieme’s complaint on behalf of The Auroville Foundation and the community of Auroville of unfair treatment in the programme as broadcast.


 

AUROBINDO ASHRAM DEVOTEES WASH DIRTY LINEN

Serial 2


 
Is the book on Aurobindo banned in India, if so why?


 


The Government of Orissa, Home [Special Department] by Notification No: 1612/ C dated 9.04.2009 had banned a book.


 


“ Whereas on careful consideration of materials place on record, it appears to the State Government that the  book titled as The Lives of Sri Aurobindo, written by  Mr.Peter Heehs and published by Columbia University Press, New York, USA contain objectionable matters depicting distorted facts about the life and character of Aurobindo. And whereas the State Government on the following ground is of the opinion that the said book contains matters which are deliberately and maliciously intended to insult religious beliefs of millions who idolize Aurobindo as a national hero and incarnation of Almighty and which promotes communal disaffection affecting public peace and tranquility, the publication of which is punishable under sections 295A and 153 A of Indian Penal Code, 1860 [45 of 1860] namely:


 


A] the book depicts wrong and distorted facts on the life and character of Aurobindo which is clearly blasphemous


 


B] the book contains absurd, irrelevant and self made stories which do not have any scriptural support and had caused widespread indignation amongst the devotees


 


C] the writings portrayed in the book have seriously hurt the sentiments of the apostles of Aurobindo and the said book with deliberate and malicious intention has insulted the religious beliefs of millions.


 


D} the said book, inter alia narrates at page 245 that “But those familiar with the literature of psychiatry and clinical psychiatry may be struck by the similarity between Aurobindo’s powers and experiences and the symptoms of schizophrenia”


 


E] it is mentioned at page 399 that “early in the afternoon the mother rejoined him, and they walked together to a small room where they sat together in a sofa, the Mother on Aurobindo’s right. Here they remained in for the next few hours as ashramites and visitors more than 3000 by the end of 1940 s passed before them one by one. There is no suggestion of a vulgar jostle anywhere in the moving procession, a visitor noted. The mystic sits bare bodied except for a part of dhothi thrown around his shoulders. A kindly light plays in his eyes. Aurobindo looked directly at each person for a moment. The moving visitor is conscious of a particular contact with these eyes as he bends down to do his obeisance. They leave upon him a mysterious feel that baffles description. The contact almost physical, instills a faint sense of a fragrance into his heart and he has a perception of a glow akin to that spreading in every fibre of his being. 147 most visitors had similarly positive experiences. But some, particularly those from the West were distracted by the theatricality of the setting and religiosity of the pageantry.


 


Now therefore in exercise of the powers conferred by sub section 1 of section 95 of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973 [2 of 1974] the State Government do hereby declare that every copy of the book titled The Lives of Sri Aurobindo written by Peter Heehs and published by Columbia University Press, New York, USA, its copies, reprints, translations or other documents contains extracts taken there from be forfeited by the Government.


 


By order of Government: A.P.Padhi Principal Secretary to Government.


  


How did Auroville foreigners react to the ban on a book by fellow foreigners?


 


 They have a separate web site: www.iyfundamentalism.info


 


 There they condemn the: Fundamentalism in the Sri Aurobindo Ashram


 


We, the writers on this site, are concerned about recent actions by a vocal minority among the followers or devotees of Sri Aurobindo, and reactions by impressionable masses inside and outside the Sri Aurobindo Ashram. There are signs of attempts to turn the Integral Yoga of Sri Aurobindo and the Mother into a religion with some of the characteristics of fundamentalism.


 


The word “fundamentalism” is often misused. Coined around 1920 to refer to certain sects of Protestant Christians in the United States, it now is applied to Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists and members of other religious groups that claim to be the exclusive repositories of truth. But as the word “fundamentalism” began to be used more broadly, its meaning became vague. To avoid misuse, we will clarify what we mean by “fundamentalism” and show why certain persons inside and outside the Ashram might be called “fundamentalists


 


How do the Ashram devotees counter this defence by Auroville foreigners club?


 


They have created a web site to counter the propaganda:


 


www.thelivesofaurobindo.com


 


Mr.Shraddhalu Ranade in his open letter to Auroville and Centers dated 1 st May 2009 had lashed at the foreigners especially David Hutchinson, Rich Carlson and their Indian associate Debashish Banerjee. He refers to the circular Integral Yoga Fundamentalism signed by these three dated 16 th April 2009 to which Mr.Shraddhalu Ranade issues rejoinder on 1 st May 2009.


 


In his rejoinder Mr.Shraddhalu Ranade states “More seriously these factual distortions are intended to lead readers to conclusions which seriously damage the reputation and integrity of Aurobindo and his message. Some of the damaging conclusions promoted by The Lives include:


 


●that Sri Aurobindo was a frequent liar, and among other things, that he lied about his supramental experiences.


●that he was sexually desperate and frustrated


● that his spiritual experiences are questionable and ultimately irrelevant


● that he had a streak of inherited madness


●that there was nothing new in his writings, and what little is new is a] unacceptable or b] outdated or c] incorrect


● that his poetry is expressive of sexual frustration and its style outdated


● that his relationship with Mother was of romantic nature


 


So goes on Mr.Shraddhalu Ranade in his charge sheet against the book written by Mr.Peters Heehs of Aurobindo Ashram Archives.


  


► Is the Trust divided on Peter Heehs issue?


 


Here also in nutshell Mr.Shraddhalu Ranade had placed the status report.


 


Manoj Das Gupta, Managing Trustee of SAAT by letter dated 5 th October 2008 writes:  “Heehs was so obsessed with the antihagiography idea that in order to prove his credentials to be an objective biographer, he has at several places crossed limits of simple decency


 


Dilip Dutta Trustee SAAT by letter dated 11 th November 2008 writes: “we had talked to the author and informed him about our displeasure regarding certain aspects of the book and had taken adequately the necessary disciplinary steps.


This seems to be the SAAT stand, whereas Auroville foreigners are up in arms against the devotees.


 


Both sides are washing dirty linen in public. If journalists and scholars of this land go through their exchanges they can dig many facts hitherto unheard in academic world.


                                                                                                            To continue…


 


N.Nandhivarman General Secretary Dravida Peravai


 

UK URGED TO RECOGNIZE TAMIL EELAM GOVT IN EXILE

Appeal to Presidents/Prime Ministers of Member nations of European http://datastore.rediff.com/h5000-w5000/thumb/6155635A5F6127705C6E6A5F6D/kszfhotwri9na5ed.D.0.gordon-brown.jpgUnion to support Tamil Eelam Government in Exile


 


Hon’ble Mr. Gordon Brown.                                                        12.03.2010


Prime Minister of Great Britain


10 Downing Street


London SW1A 2AA


 


 And


 


Hon’ble David Miliband


Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs


King Charles Street


LONDON SW1A 2AH


 


Respected Prime Minister


Respected Secretary of State


 


We from India on humanitarian grounds would be expressing our solidarity with Tamils of Eelam living across the continents in various countries including Britain. Britain has special responsibility to resolve the Tamil question because it once ruled India and Ceylon and we now see a ray of hope in your utterances that reveal your sympathies too are towards Tamils of Eelam crushed by a genocidal war.


 


We would like you to revisit January 1994 in your memory lane: A Year that led to the dissolution of three multinational federations namely Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia also gave birth to nineteen new states. Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Croatia, Czech Republic, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan , Macedonia, Moldova , Russia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Tajikistan , Turkmenistan , Ukraine ,Uzbekistan and Yugoslavia [ Serbia and Montenegro ]. Three states namely Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania regained their independence. Chechnya in Russia and Kosovo in Serbia were engaged in struggle for independence.


 


European nations granted conditional recognition to these states. Therefore a precedent exists. When Tamil Eelam was struggling for independence Tamil Diaspora living in almost all of the European nations was in streets urging these nations to step in to redeem Tamils of Eelam from a genocidal war. Necessary alarm bells have been sounded and European nations which had established norms to recognize new nation states, could have applied their collective mind and proven their political will by extending the precedent to Tamil Eelam. But alas! That historical opportunity was lost by the saviors of civilized democracy whereas freedom aspiring people of Tamil Eelam failed to win recognition for their homeland nation.


 


In December 1991 EC Council of Ministers chose to recognize Yugoslav and [Soviet] Republics seeking independence. It was a conditional recognition. What are those conditions? Let me quote in verbatim:


 


“The European Community and its member states confirm their attachment to the principles of Helsinki Final Act and the Charter of Paris, in particular the principle of self determination. They affirm their readiness to recognize, subject to the normal standards of international law, those states which following the historic changes in the region, have constituted themselves on a democratic basis, have accepted the international obligations and have committed themselves in good faith to a peaceful process and to negotiations. Therefore, they adopt a common position on the process of recognition of these new states, which requires:


 


► respect for the provisions of the Charter of United Nations and the commitment subscribed to the Final act of Helsinki and in the Charter of Paris, especially with regard to rule of law, democracy and human rights.


► guarantees for the rights of ethnic and national groups and minorities in accordance with the commitments subscribed in the framework of CSCE


► respect the inviolability of all frontiers which can only be changed by peaceful means and by common agreements


► acceptance of all relevant commitments with regard to disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation as well as to security and regional stability.


► commitment to settle by agreement, including where appropriate recourse to arbitration, all questions concerning state succession and regional disputes.


 


Let me remind you humbly the above quoted, Declaration on Guidelines on the Recognition of new states in Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union and the Declaration on Yugoslavia: Extraordinary EPC Ministerial meeting [Brussels} / EPC Press Releases P 128 & 129 of 1991 dated 16th December 1991. Further the Congress of Berlin 1878 had spelt safeguards for minorities in the post First World War Settlements. These documents would have given the parameters to grant recognition for Tamil Eelam and Tamils in forefront of freedom struggle would have declared independence and sought recognition as laid in these precedents, but they lacked the initiative.


 


Let me also remind the precedent laid by British Prime Minister Winston Churchill during the Second World War when he endorsed the setting up of Free French Government in Exile headed by Charles De Gaulle in British soil. Now that Tamil Eelam is under occupation by forces of aggression recognition of Tamil Eelam Government after establishing it within Srilanka would not be possible today, though it could be justified. As immediate step Britain which once granted independence to Srilanka without resolving the ethnic question, due to historical compulsions of the post-Second World War conditions, could allow the setting up of Tamil Eelam Government in Exile. Such Government must pledge to the parameters laid down as mentioned in earlier paragraphs and collective recognition of that Tamil Eelam Government in Exile must emanate from Member Nations of European Community. Britain must take the lead to mobilize support for such initiative.


 


Perhaps India factor and Europe’s nobility to uphold Indian geo-political interests would have made European community speechless at the height of civil war in Srilanka. But now in the aftermath of the so-called ghost of terrorism laid to rest, when in country after country Tamils of Eelam through democratic process by way of referendums are expressing in favour of Independent Tamil Eelam, it is high time for European Union to recall the precedent laid and conditions spelt for recognition of states in last decade of last century in Europe. India too houses the Tibetan Government in Exile and it would not be an untouchable proposal if a democratic Government of Tamil Eelam attains independence.


 


 To enlighten European Union and to awaken the Indian Union it would be our duty as responsible political party in India to recall the events that led to the birth of Bangladesh before placing you our pleas for Tamil Eelam. International law had not prohibited the creation of new states by way of secession, the Singapore [1965], Bangladesh [1971] and Eritrea [1993] precedents reveal. But here we wish to lay emphasis on Bangladesh secession since India was supportive of that secession.


 


Let me quote from the International Commission of Jurists, “The events in East Pakistan 1971’ [Geneva ICJ, 1972 page 69] “If one of the constituent peoples of a State is denied equal rights and is discriminated against, it is submitted that their full right of self determination will revive” It must be noted that self determination here meant the right to independence. India’s use of force in violation of jus cogens was mitigated by humanitarian concerns caused by the Pakistan’s campaign of violence against Bangladeshi people. We want to stress that India forgot its own precedent, forgot its own defense as reported in the Security Council debate [UN Doc S/PV 1606 dated 4 th December 1972] with regard to its justification for intervention in Bangladesh. Much grave crimes against humanity had been unleashed in a genocidal war against Tamils of Eelam. Yet India failed to follow its own Bangladesh precedent, may be due to hatred for the group that led the freedom struggle. Now that the much despised group had been eliminated, still Tamils of Eelam are not getting any justice under the Neo-Nazi Leadership of Srilanka President Mahinda Rajapakshe; time for introspection by India had arrived.


 


The Dublin Report of the People’s Tribunal which comes as annexure is one more recent indictment against the Rajapakshe Government. Hence we urge the nations of European Union collectively to recognize the right of self determination of Tamils of Eelam, and allow the setting up of a Government in Exile in their soil with their recognition.


 


International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, as adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly resolution 2200A (XXI) of 16 December 1966  entry into force 23 March 1976, in accordance with Article 49 , PART II ,Article 2 States: 1. Each State Party to the present Covenant undertakes to respect and to ensure to all individuals within its territory and subject to its jurisdiction the rights recognized in the present Covenant, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.


 


We are ready to prove that on each count Srilanka had miserably failed, wantonly violated the provision, ever since it got independence. Tamils of Eelam were never for independence nor for total dependence but were for interdependence, and all democratic demands endorsed by Eelam Tamils in elections and voiced through their elected Parliamentarians were never fulfilled in past and in present too, even after claiming victory there seems to be no magnanimity or maturity to meet an international obligation to Tamil minorities, who first sought federalism and when failed to attain waged a civil war, and having lost the war Tamils are treated like slaves in their own soil. It is here we appeal to your conscience to consider other options for Tamils of Eelam.


 


Srilanka: Ground Reality


 


As long as article 2 of Srilankan Constitution says “the Republic of Srilanka is a unitary state” there is no room for federalism and all talk about political solution leads only to dead end. This article blocks political devolution. It is needless to say that political devolution means creation of states with sovereign legislative power on subjects allocated or earmarked for that provincial administration.


 


Then the other dangerous provision from the Tamils stand point is article 76 which states “Parliament shall not abdicate or in any manner alienate its legislative power and shall not set up any authority with legislative power”. If there is no political devolution or political decentralization, what the Government of Srilanka plans to offer on platter to Tamils is nothing but slavery.


 


Whoever headed or heads the Srilankan Government, they were never for resolving the conflict satisfying the legitimate demands of the Eelam Tamils. This has to be borne in mind. The past must be evaluated before accepting at face value the verbal gymnastics of Srilankan President Mr.Mahinda Rajapakshe.


 


 


Minimum Demands that were never met:


 


The following would have satisfied legitimate demands of Eelam Tamils, if Srilankan Government had offered before launching the current genocidal war against Eelam Tamils.


 


A] Repeal of the Article 2 of Srilankan Constitution to pave way for the introduction of federal form of governance, or for a con-federal system of government


 


B] Repeal of Article 76 to allow political devolution


 


C] Amending the Article 18 to declare that “the official languages of Srilanka shall be Sinhala and Tamil, enforceable throughout the country without any restrictions.


 


D] Amending Article 9 to delete “the foremost place” granted to Buddhism and to declare Srilanka a secular state.


 


These could be termed as minimum demands that could have satiated the Tamils of Eelam before current genocidal war. These were the demands voiced from much before British left Ceylon, and were the theme of many broken pacts and failed promises, in which Srilankan Governments remains the unique country that adopted ethnic cleansing through genocide successfully, while the conscience keepers of this world must rise up to the occasion even though belatedly to support Tamil Eelam Government in Exile.


 


India too fails: The Indo-Srilankan Agreement of July 1987 paved way for the temporary merger of Northern and Eastern provinces into a unified North-Eastern Province. This merger was to be endorsed by a referendum before the end of 1988. One Provincial Council was set up in North-Eastern Province as well as 7 other provinces. In order to implement this accord Mr.Rajiv Gandhi sent the Indian Peace Keeping Force in the first week of August 1987. The pressure brought by Mr.Rajiv Gandhi also made LTTE agree to cessation of hostilities. LTTE also started handing over weapons to IPKF. So far everything went well. Then how this accord was sabotaged and who torpedoed it?  A general amnesty was granted under the accord to “political and other prisoners now held in custody under the Prevention of Terrorism Act and other Emergency laws, and to combatants, as well as those persons accused, charged and or convicted under these laws.”


 


 Government of Srilanka, known for treachery which current breed of politicians may have erased from memory withheld amnesty to 1250 Tamil political prisoners. This was done by twisting the amnesty clause to say that it applied only to NEP and not offences committed outside North Eastern Province. LTTE retaliated by suspending surrender of arms.


 


 


Now, to trust Mr.Rajapakshe that after eliminating terrorism, he has a peace formula under his red towel, which he will wave along with olive branch, would amount to total ignorance of the history of betrayals, for which many Sinhalese rulers till now are held accountable before the conscience of the world.


 


Racial Riots in 1883 hit Christians in 1902 Dalits, in 1915 Muslims, in 1930 Malayalees, then Plantation Tamils and from 1983 Eelam Tamils:


 


 Nazism is not dead, and just because it thrives in a tiny island, it need not be condoned or ignored. The problem with Sinhalese is not Tamil-phobia. They are against everybody. The seeds of hatred are ingrained in their brains. A scholar Kumari Jayewardene, a Sinhalese herself, had chronicled the history of clashes and communal unrest in Srilanka. The starting point of Tamil Sinhala ethnic clashes are considered to be 1983. But hundred years before that, in 1883 the Sinhalese turned their ire against Catholics. The Buddhist religious firebrand Anagarika Dharmapala criticizes the British for their religion.


 


 “When the ancestors of the present holders of our beloved land were running naked in the forests of Britain with their bodies painted and later on when their ancestors had gone under the imperial rule of Rome and some of them were being sold as slaves in the market place of Rome, our ancestors were already enjoying the fruits of glorious and peaceful civilization. Buddhism was the religion of the state in Ceylon like the Church in England in the British isles” proclaims Anagarika Dharmapala, forgetting what the sacred book of the Sinhalese, known as Mahavamsam says about the first originator of the Sinhalese race.


 


Born to parents who are cross breed between a Lion and a Princess that too born to a brother and sister incest couple, the unruly Vijayan driven by his father with such credentials, landed in Srilanka and married local women, i.e. Tamil, even a Pandyan princess. Then how come Sinhalese can claim racial superiority or purity. Like Anglo Indians, they are half Tamil, half foreign. So assuming they are racially superior, the Sinhalese called Christians barbarians and launched attacks in 1883. Then in 1915, Sinhalese wanted to drive away the North Indian and South Indian Muslims.


 


“The Mohammedans, an alien people, who in the early part of the nineteenth century were common traders, by Shylockan methods became prosperous like the Jews. The alien South Indian Mohammedan comes to Ceylon, sees the neglected illiterate villagers without any experience in trade, without any knowledge of any kind of technical industry and isolated from whole of Asia on account of his language, religion and race, and the result the Mohammedan thrives and the son of the soil goes to the wall……..What the German is to the British that the Mohammedan is to the Sinhalese by religion, race and language. He traces his origin to Arabia” incited the same Anagarika Dharmapala. Violent attacks, arson, looting were unleashed against the Muslim traders in 1915.


 


Readers of both the quotes from a Sinhala firebrand who planted seeds of hatred between communities and who is one among those who ignited communal clashes must take note of a contradiction in his statement. While speaking about British in 1883 he claims Sinhalese were enjoying the fruits of glorious and peaceful civilization. But in 1915, he admits that Sinhalese have no experience in trade and are without any kind of knowledge. Then how could they be the architects of the glorious and peaceful civilization. And that civilization must be of the Tamils, who can establish the fact with historical and archaeological evidences right up to Indus valley.


 


In between 1883 and 1915, other unfortunate riots hit the dalits from India, who had gone to Ceylon as plantation labour. The arrogant Sinhalese refused to drink tea plucked by untouchables. Later in 1930 the Sinhalese turned their ire against the 30,000 Malayalees, who had gone to Ceylon from Travancore-Cochin state. A trade union leader A.E.Kunasesinghe launched the racial fire against them by his fiery speeches.


 


Between 1871-1881 when coffee, tea plantations came up in large numbers in Ceylon, lots of Tamils from India went there seeking work. They constituted nearly 10 % of the then population of Ceylon. Donoughmore Commission constituted before independence said out of these roughly 50 percent labour were permanently residing in Ceylon. Jackson Report of 1928 said they were around 60 percent. The Soulbury Commission of 1946 stated 80 percent of these labour were permanent residents of Ceylon.


 


Donoughmore Commission had recommended that for all those who had lived for 5 years and above citizenship rights must be conferred. Ceylonese Government did not accept that recommendation, thus the crisis started. In 1940 both India and Ceylon discussed this issue. Again in 1941 September there was a bi party conference between India and Ceylon. The agreed joint declaration which emanated in this meeting was not implemented.


 


The irony is that in 1942 Ceylonese Government itself had written to Indian Government requesting India to permit labour to come and work in its rubber plantations. In the first General Elections of 1947 plantation labour had voting rights. They backed the Ceylon Indian Congress and elected 7 members to Parliament. They were the deciding factor in another 20 Parliamentary constituencies.


 


D.S.Senanayaka, first Prime Minister of Ceylon amended the 8 th article of the Citizenship Act and disenfranchised plantation Tamils called as Malayaga Tamils. He passed in Parliament the amendment by the year 1949 and removed people of Indian origin from the voters list. That is how the voting rights of plantation Tamils who chose 7 Members to Parliament were deprived from them. Then Indian origin people were asked to apply for citizenship. 8, 25,000 people applied for citizenship. Only to 1, 00,000 people Ceylonese citizenship was granted. To resolve this deadlock at London both Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Ceylon Prime Minister Dudley Senanaiyaka talked but could not resolve. In 1954 a pact was signed between Jawaharlal Nehru and Sir John Kotewala, Ceylon Premier. It was never implemented. By 1964, Srilankan Prime Minster Srimavo Bandaranaike and Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri signed a pact, wherein Srilanka agreed to give citizenship to 3, 00,000 persons. India admitted to take back 5,25,000 persons.


 


“All American people were once migrants from Europe. Yet no European country foolishly signed a pact with America to take back its citizens. Even after signing such a pact India had left more than 2, 00.000 people of Indian origin in Srilanka.


 


Sinhala Racism in Parliament:


 


Mr.D.M.Chandrapala, Sinhalese Buddhist Member of Parliament from Kundasale spoke the following words in Srilankan Parliament on July 1981. “Now Sir… what should we do to this so called leader of the Tamils? If I were given the power, I would tie him to the nearest concrete post in this building and horses whip him till I rise to his wits. Thereafter let anybody do anything he likes, throw him into the Beire [lake] or into the sea, because he will be so mutilated that I do not think there will be life in him. That is war.”


 


 Can anyone in civilized world in any of the democracies of the world, could have heard such a speech. That speech too is against democratically elected Tamil leaders demanding federalism and not independent state at that juncture. There was no terrorist in Parliament yet if Sinhala Parliamentarian spits such venom, how could Tamils live within unitary Srilanka,


 


Mr.G.V.Punchinilame M.P from Ratnapura spoke in Srilankan Parliament in July 1981. “Since yesterday morning, we have heard in this Honorable House about the various types of punishment that should be meted out to them {Tamil Parliamentary Members}. The M.P from Panadura Dr.Neville Fernando said there was a punishment during the time of Sinhalese kings, namely, two areca nut posts are erected, these two posts are then drawn toward each other with a rope, then tie each of the feet of the offender to each post and then cut the rope which will result in tearing apart the body. These people should also be punished in the same way.


 


…………..some Members suggested that they should be put to death on the stake, some other Members said that their passports should be confiscated, still other Members said they should be made to stand at the Galle Face Green and shot at. The people of this country want and this government is prepared to inflict these punishments on these people.”


 


If in Srilankan Parliament such barbarian punishments are sought against duly elected Tamil Members of Parliament even in 1981 much before the birth of militant movements, how can Tamils live under unitary Srilankan state? It is time to read the speech of the cunning fox Mr.J.R.Jayawardane, President of Srilanka, which appeared in Daily Telegraph of 11th July 1983. “I am not worried about the opinion of the Tamil people…… now we cannot think of them, not about their lives or their opinion….. the more you put pressure on the North, the happier the Sinhala people will be here… Really if I starve the Tamils out, the Sinhala people will be happy.” Mr.Mahinda Rajapakshe used starvation as weapon to make Tamils slaves and even now he handles that same weapon, a weapon much sought by Srilankan President of 1983 is still in use till 2010.


 


TAMIL MASSACRES: ROLE OF SINHALESE LEADERS


 


Ceylon’s First Prime Minister D.S.Senanaike while addressing the new Sinhalese settlers in Tamil areas of Padaviya spoke: “Today you are brought here and given a plot of land. You have been uprooted from your village. You are like a piece of driftwood in the Ocean, but remember that one day the whole country will look up to you. The final battles for the Sinhala people will be fought on the plains of Padaviya .You are the men who will carry this island’s destiny on your shoulders.”  So as he wanted after decades of colonizing Tamil homeland current successor to him, Mr.Mahinda Rajapakshe had eliminated physically using chemical weapons of destruction unnumbered thousands of Tamils and is hastening complete take over by Government sponsored colonization, while uprooted Tamils are languishing in concentration camps, watched helplessly by UN and world nations.


 


Soon after the racial riots of 1983 Oxford educated Sinhala Minister Gamini Dissanayake spoke: “Who attacked you? Sinhalese… Who saved you? Sinhalese. It is we who attacked and protected you. They are bringing an army from India. It will take 14 hours to come from India. In 14 minutes the blood of every Tamil in the country can be sacrifice to the land by us. Yes this in 1983. In 2009 Mr.Mahinda Rajapakshe inflicted a blood bath, may be he offered Tamil blood as sacrifice to his soil.


 


With due thanks to North East Secretariat on Human Rights of Srilanka we are listing out Tamil massacres since independence of Ceylon, to justify our argument that only Tamil Eelam will end this genocide.


 


 


 


1.         Inginiyakala massacre [05.06.1956],


2.         1958 pogrom,                                              


3.         Tamil research conference massacre ‐10.01.1974,  


4.         1977 communal pogrom                                       


5.         1981 communal pogrom                                                                           


6.         Burning of the Jaffna library ‐01.06.1981                                             


7.         1983 communal pogrom                                                                           


8.         Thirunelveli massacre ‐ 24 25.07.1983                                                            


9.         Sampalthoddam massacre ‐ 1984                                                         


10.       Chunnakam Police station massacre ‐08.01.1984                            


11.       Chunnakam market massacre ‐ 28.03.1984                                       


12.       Mathawachchi – Rampawa ‐ September 1984                                               


13.       Point Pedro – Thikkam massacre ‐ 16.09.1984                                   


14.       Othiyamalai massacre ‐ 01.12.1984                                                      


15.       Kumulamunai massacre ‐ 02.12.1984                                                 


16.       Cheddikulam massacre ‐ 02.12.1984                                                   


17.       Manalaru massacre ‐ 03.12.1984                                                          


18.       Blood soaked Mannar ‐ 04.12.1984                                                       


19.       Kokkilai‐Kokkuthoduvai massacre ‐ 15.12.1984                               


20.       Vankalai church massacre ‐ 06.01.1986                                              


21.       Mulliyavalai massacre ‐ 16.01.1985                                                      


22.       Vaddakandal massacre ‐ 30.01.1985                                                     .
 23.     Puthukkidiyiruppu Iyankovilady massacre 21.04.1985                     


24.       Trincomalee massacres in 1985                                                              


25.       Valvai‐85 massacre 10.05.1985                                                             


26.       Kumuthini Boat massacre 15.05.1985                                                   


27.      Kiliveddi massacre  1985                                                                                   


28.       Thiriyai massacre ‐ 08.06.1985                                                              


29.       Sampaltivu ‐ 04 to 09.08.1985                                                                


30.       Veeramunai massacre ‐ 20.06.1990                                                     


31.       Nilaveli massacre 16.09.1985                                                                  


32.       Piramanthanaru massacre ‐ 02.10.1985                                              


33.       Kanthalai‐85 massacre ‐ 09.11.1985                                                   


34.       Muthur Kadatkaraichenai ‐ 08, 09, 10.11.1985                                  


35.       Periyapullumalai massacre in 1986                                                       


36.       Kilinochchi Railway Station massacre ‐ 25.01.1986                          


37.       Udumbankulam massacre ‐ 19.02.1985                                              


38.       Vayaloor massacre ‐ 24.08.1985                                                            


39.       Eeddimurinchan massacre ‐ 19, 20.03.1986                                       


40.       Anandapuram shelling ‐ 04.06.1986                                                    


41.       Kanthalai‐86 massacre ‐ 04, 05.06. 1986                                           


42.       Mandaithivu sea massacre ‐ 10.06.1986                                              


43.       Seruvila massacre ‐ 12.06.1986                                                             


44.       Thambalakamam massacres ‐ 1985, 1986                                          


45.       Paranthan farmer’s massacre ‐ 28.06.1986                                         


46.       Peruveli refugee camp massacre ‐ 15.07.1986                                   


47.       Thanduvan bus massacre ‐ 17.07.1986                                                           


48.       Mutur Manalchenai massacre ‐ 18.07. 1986                                      


49.       Adampan massacre ‐ 12.10.1986                                                          


50.       Periyapandivrichchan massacre ‐ 15.10.1986                        


51.       Kokkadichcholai‐87 massacre ‐ 28.01.1987                                      


52.       Paddithidal massacre ‐ 26.04.1987                                                       


53.       Thonithiddamadu massacre ‐ 27.05.1987                                           


54.       Alvai temple shelling ‐ 29.05.1987                                                        


55.       Eastern University massacre ‐ 23.05.1990                                           


56.       Sammanthurai massacre ‐ 10.06.1990                                                


57.       Xavierpuram massacre ‐ 07.08.1990                                                    


58.       Siththandy massacre ‐ 20, 27.07.1990                                                 


59.       Paranthan junction massacre ‐ 24.07.1990                                         


60.       Poththuvil massacre ‐ 30.07.1990                                                         


61.       Tiraikerny massacre ‐ 06.08.1990                                                          


62.       Kalmunai massacre ‐ 11.08.1990                                                          


63.       Thuranilavani massacre ‐ 12.08.1990                                                  


64.       Eravur hospital massacre ‐ 12.08.1990                                                


65.       Koraveli massacre 14.08.1990                                                                 


66.       Nelliyadi market bombing ‐ 29.08.1990                                                


67.       Eravur massacre ‐ 10.10.1990                                                                


68.       Saththurukkondan massacre ‐ 09.09.1990                                         


69.       Natpiddymunai massacre ‐ 10.09.1990


70.       Vantharamullai‐90 massacre ‐ 05, 23,09,1990                                 


71.       Mandaithivu disappearances ‐ 23.08.1990, 25.09.1990        


72.       Oddisuddan bombing ‐ 27.11.1990                                                     


73.       Puthukkudiyiruppu junction bombing                                                 


74.       Vankalai massacre ‐ 17.02.1991                                                          


75.       Vaddakkachchi bombing ‐ 28.02.1991                                               


76.       Vantharumoolai ‐ 09.06.1991                                                               


77.       Kokkadichcholai‐91 massacre ‐ 12.06.1991                                      
78.       Pullumalai massacre ‐ 1983‐1990                                                


79.       Kinniyadi massacre ‐ 12.07.1991                                                                    


80.       Akkarayan hospital massacre ‐ 15.07.1997                                       


81.       Uruthrapuram bombing ‐ 04.02.1991                                                   


82.       Karapolla‐Muthgalla massacre ‐ 29.04.1992                                   


83.       Vattrapalai shelling ‐ 18.05.1992                                                          


84.       Thellipalai temple bombing ‐ 30.05.1992                                            


85.       Mailanthai massacre ‐ 09.08.1992                                                       


86.       Kilali massacre ‐1992, 1993                                                                  


87.       Maaththalan bombing ‐ 18.09.1993                                                    


88.       Chavakachcheri‐Sangaththanai bombing ‐ 28.09.1993               


89.       Kokuvil temple massacre & bombing ‐ 29.09.1993                          


90.       Kurunagar church bombing ‐ 13.11.1993                                         


91.       Chundikulam‐94 massacre ‐ 18.02.1994                                        


92.       Navali church massacre ‐ 09.07.1995                                                


93.       Nagarkovil bombing ‐ 22.05.1995                                                       


94.       Chemmani mass graves in 1996                                                                      


95.       Kilinochchi town massacre ‐ 1996‐1998                                          


96.       Kumarapuram massacre ‐ 11.02.1996                                               


97.       Nachchikuda strafing ‐ 16.03.1996                                                    


98.       Thambirai market bombing ‐ 17.05.1996                                           


99.       Mallavi bombing ‐ 24.07.1996                                                             


100.    Pannankandy massacre ‐ 05.07.1997                                                


101.    Kaithady Krishanthi massacre ‐ 07.09.1996                                     


102.    Vavunikulam massacre ‐ 26‐09‐1996, 15‐08‐1997                  


103.    Konavil bombing ‐ 27.09.1996                                                             
104.       Mullivaikal bombing ‐ 13.05.1997                                                 


105.    Mankulam shelling ‐ 08.06.1997                                                                    


106.    Thampalakamam massacre ‐ 01.02.1998                                         


107.    Old Vaddakachchi bombing ‐ 26.03.1998                                         


108.    Suthanthirapuram massacre ‐ 10.06.1998                                       


109.    Visuvamadhu shelling ‐ 25.11.1998                                                   


110.    Chundikulam‐98 bombing 02.12.1998                                              


111.    Manthuvil bombing ‐ 15.09.1999                                                        


112.    Palinagar bombing and shelling ‐ 03.09.1999                                  


113.    Madhu church massacre ‐ 20.11.1999                                              


114.    Bindunuwewa massacre                                                                       


115.    Mirusuvil massacre ‐ 19.12.2000


 


The North East Secretariat for Human Rights  had documented updating up to 2008 which is in the book :Massacres of Tamils 1956-2008 -  (Paperback Rs. 400, Hard Bound Rs. 500), which is an  attempt to document 61 years of Tamil Massacres in Sri Lanka. This book painstakingly records massacres that occurred since 1956 – 2008 from first hand information. We would urge upon Britain and nations of the European Union to take note of continuing genocide. If all war crimes of 2009 could be compiled it will excel and exceed Adolph Hitler’s genocide in statistics.


 


Naked Facts about broken Pacts:


 


Having traced the thorny issues now let us look at the various peace proposals which Srilanka aborted in the past.


 


1. The Bhandaranaike-Chelvanayagam Pact of 1957 signed between Srilankan Prime Minister SWRD Bhandaranaike and Federal Party leader SVJ Chelvanayagam reached in July 1957 was abrogated in May 1958.


 


2. The Senanaike-Chelvanayagam Pact of 1965 was not implemented even though the pact led to a coalition between Federal Party.


 


3. Federal Party’s model constitution of 1972, submitted to the Constituent Assembly to create a Federal Republic of Ceylon was rejected by the steering committee of the Constituent Assembly.


 


4. Dr.Neelam Tiruchelvam’s report to the Presidential Commission on Development Councils in 1979 also was sent to cold storage.


 


5. Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s Initiative of 1983 resulted in bilateral talks between India and Srilanka, as well as between India and TULF, yielded Annexure C proposals due to the efforts of India’s emissary G.Parthasarathy, which was also thrown into dustbin by Srilankan President Mr.J.R.Jayawardane.


 


6. Draft Bill for Provincial Councils which was endorsed by the All Party Conference in 1984 met the same fate under President J.R.Jayawardane’s governance.


 


7. Thimpu Talks in 1985: TULF and LTTE, TELO, PLOTE, EROS and EPRLF participated in Thimpu talks initiated by Government of India. In that conference all the Tamil parties submitted four cardinal principles as conditions for accepting conflict resolution. A] Recognition of the Tamils of Srilanka as a distinct nationality. B] Recognition of an identified Tamil homeland and guarantee for its territorial integrity. C] Recognition of the inalienable right of self determination of the Tamil nation. D] Recognition of the right to full citizenship and other fundamental rights to all Tamils of Srilanka. All Party Conference proposals formed the basis of Srilankan side. Though talks were aborted a Draft Framework evolved which should have been placed before Cabinet for approval before it could be adopted. But President J.R.Jayawardane did not do that, and it met its end.


 


8. TULF presented new proposals to Indian Prime Minister Mr.Rajiv Gandhi in December 1985.The Government of Srilanka submitted its views on that proposals in January 1986. In nutshell the Srilankan Government rejected TULF proposals.


 


9. Indian Minister Chidambaram Proposals: Srilankan Government discussed with the delegation headed by Mr.P.Chidambaram and in May 1986 sent its own proposals to Government of India. Then the Government of Srilanka formulated the Draft Amendment to the constitution of Srilanka to provide legal frame work to Chidambaram proposals.


 


10. Government of India prepared a working paper on the discussions held at Bangalore on 18th November 1986 between Indian Prime Minister Mr.Rajiv Gandhi and Srilankan President Mr.J.R.Jayawardane. The Government of Srilanka submitted its observations on the working paper on 20th November 1986. Then on December 19th of 1986 talks took place between two Indian Ministers and Srilankan President. All such exercises led to the India-Srilanka Accord of July 1987 known as Rajiv Gandhi-Jayewardene accord.


 


11. The fate of that Indo-Srilankan accord puts Srilankan Government in dock for breaking this accord.


 


12. Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Srilanka was effected in November 1987, and first time provincial councils were set up.


 


13. The Democratic People’s Alliance led by SLFP in its election manifesto for 1988 Presidential and Parliamentary elections offered promises to resolve the ethnic problem, but that alliance failed to capture power, so promises remained promises.


 


14. Tamil political parties ACTC, DPLF, ENDLF, EPRLF and TELO submitted proposals to the drafting committee for the All Party Conference of 1990.


 


15. Srilankan Minister Thondaman’s Proposals: This attracted the LTTE which invited Mr.Thondaman to visit Jaffna to further discuss the proposals but Sinhalese opposition especially by a newly floated Sinhalese Defense Organization paralyzed the proposals.


 


16. Liberal Party proposals to the Committee on Constitutional Reform in 1992 to resolve the ethnic conflict.


 


17. UNP Presidential candidate for the November 1994 elections Mr.Gamini Dissanayake presented his Vision for the 21st century, but since Mr.Gamini Dissanayake was assassinated in October 1994; his own political party UNP buried the proposals along with him.


 


18. The up-country Tamils, people of Indian origin, branded as stateless people, submitted their proposals to the Parliamentary Select Committee on Constitutional Reforms in December 1994. The Up country People’s Front sought separate autonomous territory for up-country Tamils. This has nothing to do with the North Eastern Province seeking traditional homeland of Eelam Tamils, the original indigenous people of Srilanka. Up country Tamils are not in anyway branded as terrorists, in fact their parties had been part of ruling coalitions till date. The unfortunate people of India made as stateless overnight thoughtlessly by signing a pact also failed to get justice.


 


19. Basic Ideas of Chandrika Kumaratunga made in 1995 when she promised peace at all costs before winning Parliamentary elections but changed her tune to peace but not at  all cost, after she won Presidential election.


 


20. Without elaborating the recent sugar coated words after winning the War and also Presidential Elections of 2010 till date Mahinda Rajapakshe had neither given thought to resolving Tamils issue nor are prepared to permit their resettlement but are keen only to hide the war crimes by bullying tactics.


 


SO WHAT NEXT: ………ARBITRATION COMMISSION


 


Is the West contemplating for Alto/Adige/ South Tyrol model of special status? Autonomy arrangements were negotiated for the Alto/Adige/South Tyrol area of northern Italy in the aftermath of Second World War. “The territory had been ceded by Austria to Italy after the First World War but because of large German speaking population there it has to be a seat of unrest and source of tension between the countries for years to come. As early as 1946 Italy had pledged to grant autonomy to the area but Austria objected that Italy was attempting to dilute the majority German presence first by amalgamating the largely Italian province of Trentino and the predominantly German province of Bolzano to create a single region [Trentino-Alto Adige] and later by promoting influx of Italian speakers from other parts of the country. Frustrated by what it viewed as obstructionism on Italy’s part, the Austrian Government took its case to UN General Assembly, which on 31 October 1960 unanimously adopted a resolution calling on Italy and Austria to seek bi lateral solution or failing that to seek recourse to other peaceful dispute resolution mechanisms such as arbitration…


 


There are similarities between Sinhala colonization of Tamil lands, and since bi-lateral talks over half a century had failed, Britain in view of the legacy of conflict it left when hurriedly independence was granted to Srilanka, must seek appointment of Arbitration Commission to resolve the dispute, other wise recognize the Tamil Eelam Government in Exile, which it should recognize and allow to be set up in its soil. Only a nincompoop will believe that bi-laterally Tamils and Srilanka can resolve their problems. If this word bi-lateral and no arbitrator is logical, reasonable and resolves disputes, in Court rooms across globe without Judges the petitioner and respondent can resolve the crisis. India has failed, and it should not stand in the way of European Union initiative, if it emanates towards formation of Arbitration Commission to resolve Tamil Eelam conflict.


 


International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Part 1 (Article 1) recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination, including the right to “freely determine their political status”, [8] pursue their economic, social and cultural goals, and manage and dispose of their own resources. It recognizes a negative right of a people not to be deprived of its means of subsistence, [9] and imposes an obligation on those parties still responsible for non-self governing and trust territories (colonies) to encourage and respect their self-determination.


 


In accordance with this Germany, became the first Nation state among the European Community to advocate the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. Germany too behaved like India in those days supporting the unity of Yugoslavia, as India now supports the unity of Srilanka. On 19th June 1991 Germany voted in favor of a statement by the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe upholding the unity and territorial integrity of Yugoslavia. “Even after Slovenia and Croatia made unilateral declaration of Independence, Germany supported the Western European Union declaration of June 27 that expressed regret at the recent unilateral decisions of the two republics and urged all political authorities to resume dialogue with a view to secure the unity of the state.


 


India sponsored Chief Minister of North and East Provinces of Srilanka Mr.Varadaraja Perumal before he fled Srilanka had unilaterally declared independence.


 


India gave him political asylum which continues more than two decades till date. India unlike Germany did not resent the unilateral declaration of independence. Like Germany it too pleads for upholding the unity of Srilanka. But at a summit of the European community heads of State on 29 th June, German Chancellor Helmut Kohl declared that “The unity of Yugoslavia cannot be maintained with force of arms.” Yes those same words have to be repeated with regard to Srilanka. Then British Foreign Minister Douglas Hurd stated that integrity of Yugoslavia should not be accomplished by use of force.


 


Time has come for Hon’ble British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and Foreign Minister Miliband to have a rethink on their policy towards Tamil Eelam. And this appeal seeks their intervention. They should take into account the democratic expression of people of Tamil Eelam expressed through referendums in various countries. There is no terrorism at sight. If through peaceful means people of Srilanka uprooted from there due to ethnic strife express support for Tamil Eelam, Britian must take steps to allow the establishment of Tamil Eelam Government in Exile as first step making it compulsory for Srilanka to negotiate with that Government for accepting the self determination of Tamils of Eelam.


           


BRITAIN: REFERENDUM FOR TAMIL EELAM


 


 Tamil Net, Monday, 01 February 2010, 01:09 GMT reports that 99.33 percent British Tamils aspire Tamil Eelam. In an unprecedented turnout that brought 64,692 Eelam Tamils to vote in the referendum held last weekend in UK, 64,256 (99.33%)  Tamils endorsed the formation of independent and sovereign state of Tamil Eelam in the contiguous north and east of the island of Sri Lanka. 185 (0.29%) voted against and 251 (0.39%) votes were spoilt. Polling took place in sixty-five booths across London and in major towns and cities throughout UK. Barry Gardner, MP Brent North       Siobhan Mc Donagh, MP [Mitcham and Morden ]Professor Bryan Woodruff, Chairman of the overseeing body of the referendum Labour party activist and trade unionist Mike Griffiths were present.


 


The referendum was initiated by an independent group of British Tamils, who formed a body called Tamil National Council (TNC) a few months ago for this purpose. All main stakeholders of Eelam Tamil nationalism in UK, Tamil Youth Organization (TYO), British Tamils Forum (BTF), Tamil Eelam Activists and the Country Working Group - UK for the formation of Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE) joined in making the endeavor a success.


 


“British-based Tamils have voted overwhelmingly in favor of the creation of an independent sovereign state in Sri Lanka, days after the man credited with crushing the Tamil Tiger’s 26-year rebellion won a second term as the island’s president,” reported leading British newspaper Guardian on Monday. Meanwhile, BBC reported that an overwhelming majority among the Tamil Diaspora in UK has endorsed the call for a separate country for the Tamils in Sri Lanka. “The results of last week’s poll demonstrate the gulf between Sri Lanka’s Sinhalese majority and Tamil minority. Despite a resounding victory across much of the country Rajapaksa lost in areas hit hard by war and where Tamils are in the majority,” the newspaper said. BBC, in its report said that people have been discussing the results in restaurants and community centers in London suburbs where Sri Lankan Tamils form considerable communities, such as East Ham and Wembley. On Sunday, Times Online carried an article by Stuart Cosgrove, saying Tamils are the undisputed world champions of Diaspora politics, who defy a new world order on the epic stage of global politics.


 


GERMANY


 


Tamil Net, Sunday, 24 January 2010, 23:00 GMT reported Overwhelming turnout of voters in Germany, 99.2 percent of voters said yes to Tamil Eelam in an impressive turn out of more than 90% of eligible Eelam Tamil voters for the referendum in Germany on Sunday. International Human Rights Association in Bremen conducted the referendum on the question of forming an independent and sovereign state of Tamil Eelam in the North and East of the island of Sri Lanka. 23,089 voters participated in the poll in 110 centers across the country and 22,904 of them said yes. 136 voters said no and 49 votes were invalid.


 


NORWAY


 


 [Tamil Net, Monday, 11 May 2009, 10:51 GMT] reported that in a secret ballot of universal suffrage, conducted by a Norwegian media simultaneously in 14 centers in the length and breath of the country among Eelam Tamils, 98.95 percent of the voters said that they aspire for the formation of an independent and sovereign Tamil Eelam in the North and East of the island of Sri Lanka. The voter turn out was a high 89.8 percent in the capital city of Oslo and an average 80 percent for the country, Strop biweekly that conducted the ballot said. The ballot gains significance not only in democratically and concretely revealing what the Tamils want, but also in telling that the so-called Oslo Declaration that speaks about internal self-determination is not up to their expectations, Tamil circles said. A couple of days before the ballot, Norwegian Minister Erik Solheim advocated a federal solution to the crisis.


 


DENMARK


 


 [Tamil Net, Friday, 26 February 2010, 20:06 GMT] Denmark went for Tamil referendum and Eelam Tamils in Denmark  cast their ballot in 32 centers across the country in a referendum on the question of independent and sovereign Tamil Eelam in the North and East of the island of Sri Lanka. The referendum  conducted by a professional institute TNS Gallup, specialized in sociological and public opinion research services, deploying electronic system for confidential voting, said Dr. Remmon Washington, the spokesperson of the Denmark Tamils Forum formation committee, which has initiated the poll. The total number of eligible Eelam Tamil voters in Denmark is estimated to be ranging around 6,500.


 


RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION


 


 These referendums are an indication affirming the Tamils of Eelam are for the right of Self-determination   and the world cannot deny that right only to Tamil people of Eelam.


 


 “All peoples have the right to self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development. Essentially, the right to self-determination is the right of a people to determine its own destiny. In particular, the principle allows a people to choose its own political status and to determine its own form of economic, cultural and social development. Exercise of this right can result in a variety of different outcomes ranging from political independence through to full integration within a state. The importance lies in the right of choice, so that the outcome of a people’s choice should not affect the existence of the right to make a choice. In practice, however, the possible outcome of an exercise of self-determination will often determine the attitude of governments towards the actual claim by a people or nation. Thus, while claims to cultural autonomy may be more readily recognized by states, claims to independence are more likely to be rejected by them. Nevertheless, the right to self-determination is recognized in international law as a right of process (not of outcome) belonging to peoples and not to states or governments.” As put by UNPO.


 


UNREPRESENTED NATIONS AND PEOPLES ORGANIZATION.


 


You may be pondering on various options to resolve Tamil Eelam issue. Please keep the geopolitical interests at bay. With open heart please recall how Western nations acted in similar circumstances. Britain had faced Irish problem. Canada had met Quebec issue. India too faces Kashmir question. Why not Britain and Canada look for comparisons between their past problems and present problem of Tamil Eelam.? India has a special constitutional provision for Kashmir i.e. article 370, why India fails to understand that for sixty years Srilanka is not even willing to emulate Indian constitutional provision for Tamil Eelam?


 


Self-determination in International Law


 


The principle of self-determination is prominently embodied in Article I of the Charter of the United Nations. Earlier it was explicitly embraced by US President Woodrow Wilson, by Lenin and others, and became the guiding principle for the reconstruction of Europe following World War I. The principle was incorporated into the 1941 Atlantic Charter and the Dumbarton Oaks proposals which evolved into the United Nations Charter. Its inclusion in the UN Charter marks the universal recognition of the principle as fundamental to the maintenance of friendly relations and peace among states. It is recognized as a right of all peoples in the first article common to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights which both entered into force in 1976. 1 Paragraph 1 of this Article provides:


 


All peoples have the right to self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.


 


The right to self-determination of peoples is recognized in many other international and regional instruments, including


 


►the Declaration of Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States adopted b the UN General Assembly in 1970,


► 2, the Helsinki Final Act adopted by the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) in 1975,


►3, the African Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights of 1981,


► 4, the CSCE Charter of Paris for a New Europe adopted in 1990,


► 5, and the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action of 1993.


►6, It has been affirmed by the International Court of Justice in the Namibia case


►7, the Western Sahara case


► 8, and the East Timor case


►9, in which its erga omnes character was confirmed. Furthermore, the scope and content of the right to self-determination has been elaborated upon by the UN Human Rights Committee


►10, and the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination


►11 and numerous leading international jurists. That the right to self-determination is part of so called hard law has been affirmed also by the International Meeting of Experts for the Elucidation of the Concepts of Rights of Peoples brought together by UNESCO from 1985 to 1991,


► 12, it came to the conclusion that (1) peoples’ rights are recognized in international law; (2) the list of such rights is not very clear, but also that (3) hard law does in any event include the right to self-determination and the right to existence, in the sense of the Genocide Convention.


 


“The inclusion of the right to self-determination in the International Covenants on Human Rights and in the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, referred to above, emphasizes that self-determination is an integral part of human rights law which has a universal application. At the same time, it is recognized that compliance with the right of self-determination is a fundamental condition for the enjoyment of other human rights and fundamental freedoms, be they civil, political, economic, social or cultural.”


 


“The concept of self-determination is a very powerful one. As Wolfgang Danspeckgruber put it: “No other concept is as powerful, visceral, emotional, unruly, as steep in creating aspirations and hopes as self-determination.” It evokes emotions, expectations and fears which often lead to conflict and bloodshed. Some experts argued that the title holders should be or are limited in international law. Others believed in the need to limit the possible outcome for all or categories of title holders. Ultimately, the best approach is to view the right to self-determination in its broad sense, as a process providing a wide range of possible outcomes dependent on the situations, needs, interests and conditions of concerned parties. The principle and fundamental right to self-determination of all peoples is firmly established in international law.”


 


Hence under International Law, Tamils have this right, if you include Tamils in human race. If Tamils are living human beings on Earth, they can have this right by virtue of their existence. Srilankan President Rajapakshe who committed genocide by killing 50000 Tamils in War must continue to kill every Tamil in Eelam and all in Tamil Diaspora and every Tamil of Tamilnadu before he can proclaim to the Member Nations of the United Nations, that since he has erased the existence of all Tamils on Earth, the right to self determination cannot be claimed by dead souls. Only living humans have such right, he must thunder before the world. Until such thing happens, as leaders of democracies and civilized world, we hope all leaders of member nations of United Nations will not snatch the right to self determination from the hands of Tamils of Eelam.


 


UN General Assembly adopts the Declaration in September 2007


 


With an overwhelming majority of 143 votes in favour, only 4 negative votes cast (Canada, Australia, New Zealand, United States) and 11 abstentions, the United Nations General Assembly (GA) adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on September 13, 2007. The Declaration has been negotiated through more than 20 years between nation-states and Indigenous Peoples. Les Malezer, Chair of the International Indigenous Peoples’ Caucus, welcomed the adoption of the Declaration in a statement to the General Assembly:  “The Declaration does not represent solely the viewpoint of the United Nations, nor does it represent solely the viewpoint of the Indigenous Peoples. It is a Declaration which combines our views and interests and which set the framework for the future. It is a tool for peace and justice, based upon mutual recognition and mutual respect.” Tamils are indigenous people of Srilanka. As told by the sacred book of Sinhalese Mahavamsam, the first Sinhalese king set his foot on Ceylon where Tamils lived much before his advent.


 


UNPO members :Abkhazia , Aboriginals of Australia ,Afrikaner ,Ahwazi ,Assyria ,Balochistan ,Batwa ,Burma ,Buryatia ,Cabinda ,Chechen Republic of Ichkeria ,Chin Chittagong Hill Tracts ,Circassia ,Cordillera ,Crimean Tatars ,East Turkestan ,Gilgit Baltistan ,Greek Minority in Albania ,  Hmong ,Hungarian Minority in Romania ,Inkeri ,Inner Mongolia, Iranian Kurdistan ,Iraqi Kurdistan ,Iraqi Turkmen ,Kalahui Hawaii ,Karenni State ,Khmer Krom ,Kosova ,Maasai ,Mapuche, Mon ,Montagnards – Degar, Nagalim ,Ogaden , Ogoni , Oromo ,Rehoboth Basters ,Sanjak ,Scania ,Sindh ,Somaliland ,South Moluccas ,Southern Azerbaijan,Southern  Cameroons ,Taiwan ,Tibet ,Tsimshian ,Tuva ,Udmurt ,Vhavenda ,West Balochistan ,Zanzibar .


 


TAMILS OF EELAM must be included in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. Tamils are most civilized among the indigenous people possessing a classical language, which had a hoary past.


 


In an article that appeared in the International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics, Deputy Election Commissioner of the Election Commission of India Mr. R.Balakrishnan’s  research paper titled Tamil: A Toponymical Probe had given a long list of place names that bear the “Tam” prefixes. In a state wise alphabetical list of Tam prefixed place names in India, he states that in Andhra Pradesh [29], Arunachal Pradesh [11], Assam [38], Bihar [53], Gujarat [5), Goa [1], Haryana [3], Himachal Pradesh [34], Karnataka [24], Maharastra [120], Meghalaya [5], Manipur [14], Madya Pradesh [60], Nagaland [4], Orissa [84], Punjab [4], Rajasthan [26], Tamil Nadu [10], Uttar Pradesh [64], West Bengal [24] with a grand total of 612 places names resembling Tamil and Tamil influences do occur.


    


“In the Godda District of Bihar there is a village named Tamilgoda. In that District alone there are 12 place names, which end goda Tamilgoda is one of them. In the Puri District of Orissa a place name called Tamilikudi draws our immediate attention. There is no need to establish the Dravidian etymology of the suffix kudi. Tamilikudi is not an isolate case of occurrence as there are 37 place names with kudi suffix within the administrative boundary of Orissa. “In the process of locating Tamil related place names the entire list of India was scrutinized and I found a name called Tamia in Chindwara District of Madya Pradesh. Having come across Tamilgoda and Tamilkudi is not surprising to me. However when this name was noticed in the surprising company of such typical Tamil place names Palani, Tekadi, Theni, Bodi and many other geographical names that are in currency in the Madurai region of Tamilnadu and its adjoining upcountry neighbor Idukki, its significance and implications could be understood,” says Balakrishnan. Throughout India Tamils lived, spread, and ruled, it is history. The Indus Valley Civilization places Tamils in high pedestal.


 


 If I could present facts quoting the Father of Indian Constitution Dr.B.R.Ambedkar it would establish the Tamil as mother tongue of Nagas, who are Dravidians. Nagalim is admitted as member in the UNPO. Now the Nagas may speak different dialect but they were Tamils in pre historic period. Let us look at the conclusions Dr.B.R.Ambedkar had reached in his scientific enquiry.


 


“It is clear that the Nagas and Dravidians are one and the same people. Even with much proof, people may not be found ready to accept this thesis. The chief difficulty in the way of accepting it lies in the designation of the people of South India by the name Dravidian. It is natural for them to ask why the term Dravidian has come to be restricted to the people of South India if they are really Nagas. Critics are bound to ask: If the Dravidians and Nagas are the same people, why the name Nagas not used to designate people of South India also. This is no doubt a puzzle. But it is a puzzle which is not beyond solution. It can be solved if certain facts are borne in mind. The first thing to be borne in mind is the situation regarding language. Today the language of Southern India differs from that of the people of North India.”


 


“The second thing to be borne into mind is that the word Dravida is not an original word. It is the Sanskrit zed form of the word Tamil. The original word Tamil when imported into Sanskrit became Damita and later on Damila became Dravida. The word Dravida is the name of the language of the people and does not denote the race of the people.” “The third thing to remember is that Tamil or Dravida was not merely the language of South India but before the Aryans came it was the language of the whole of India and was spoken from Kashmir to Kanyakumari. In fact it was the language of the Nagas throughout India.”  “The next thing to note is the contact between Aryan and the Nagas and the effect it produced on Nagas and their language. Strange as it may appear the effect of this contact on the Nagas of North India was quite different from the effect it produced on the Nagas of South India. The Nagas in North India gave up Tamil which was their mother tongue and adopted Sanskrit in its place. The Nagas in South India retained Tamil as their mother tongue and did not adopt the Sanskrit language of the Aryans.”


 


If this difference is borne in mind it will help to explain why the name Dravida came to be applied only for the people of South India. The necessity for the application of the name Dravida to the Nagas of North India had ceased because they had ceased to speak the Dravida Language. The special application of the use of the word Dravida for the people of South India must not therefore obscure the fact that the Nagas and Dravidas are one and the same people. They are only two different names for the same people. Nagas was a racial or cultural name and Dravida was their linguistic name” concluded Dr.B.R.Ambedkar.


 


Similarly there is no race on Earth called Sinhalese. Race itself is a myth, culture oriented, proven in our days when all humans have common genes. Yet under the illusion they are Aryans, a barbaric tribe claimed separate status for them, in spite of their own mythology tracing their root to a marriage between a Lion and Human Princess. The superiority complex leads Sinhalese to work overtime to ethnic cleansing, hence genocide in Srilanka starts from 1956 itself. The failure of the British to resolve many issues before granting independence to Ceylon had left Tamils at receiving end of genocide. Hence, Dravida Peravai urges Great Britain to play an active role in view of its association with India and Ceylon and its moral duty to clear the garbage accumulated in civilized governance of Ceylon.


 


The Indian sub continent was ruled by Tamils, their Empires disintegrated, deluge and other natural calamities struck at the Tamil land. Later in British period on their eve of departure there were 11 Presidencies and 562 princely states, which when the winds of nationalism blew over Indian sub constituent were welded together as Indian Union under a Constitution of India. The problems left over by colonialism, be it border dispute with China or Kashmir still bleeds India. Same problems galore haunt Ceylon. As head of Commonwealth too Britain has locus standi to intervene to correct past mistakes.


 


Let me recollect a tiny problem between India and Bangladesh which got its independence with India’s help. “The rulers of two princely states of Kooch Bihar and Rangpur within the Old Bengal Presidency during British rule in India lost their territories to each other playing the gambling by cards. There are till date 111 Indian enclaves in Bangladesh and 51 Bangladesh enclaves within India, as a result of this gamble by 2 princely states.’ Yet no one had the moral courage to resolve even this issue which every government keeps in cold storage. Hence it would not be prudent for all Member Nations of UN or of Commonwealth or of European Union to pin hopes on India alone to redeem Tamils of Eelam from slavery and to recognize their right to self determination.


 


TAMIL EELAM GOVERNMENT IN EXILE MUST BE RECOGNIZED BY GOVERNMENT OF BRITAIN AND ALLOWED TO FUNCTION FROM BRITISH SOIL.


 


TAMILS OF EELAM MUST ELECT THEIR REPRESENTATIVES THROUGH REFERENDUMS IN THE COUNTRIES THEY LIVE NOW, AND SUCH REPRESENTATIVES MUST CONSTITUTE THE GOVERNMENT OF TAMIL EELAM IN EXILE.


 


ALL TAMILS WITHIN SRILANKA MUST BE SUPORTED TO FORM A TAMIL EELAM IN THAT SOIL. TOWARDS THAT GOAL WORLD GOVERNMENTS MUST BACK TAMIL EELAM GOVERNMENT IN EXILE.


 


BRITAIN AND EUROPEAN UNION CAN TAKE THE FIRST INITIATIVE…..


 


With Regards


Yours fraternally



 


N.Nandhivarman


General Secretary Dravida Peravai [Indian political party] 


 

SRILANKA’s TAMIL GENOCIDE: DUBLIN REPORT

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PUDUCHERRY:COMPLAINT TO UNION GOVT

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Hon’ble Thiru.P.Chidambaram                                                               16.02.2010


Union Home Minister


19 Safdurjung Road


NEW DELHI 110011.


 


Respected Thiru.Chidambaram


 


Subject: Need for your personal visit to probe the anti-national and anti-social activities in the Union Territory of Puducherry.


 


Puducherry and Karaikal had become a haven for terrorists who can slip in and out of the territory or use it as a hide out without subjected to scrutiny or escaping the watchful eyes of vigilant police men with conscience and clean record.


 


We are enclosing a note on what happened in the High Court of Madras in a Writ Petition No 24599 of 09. We are refraining from neither going into who filed against whom nor the contents of the case here. As India’s Home Minister you would agree all are equal before the eyes of the law and none is above the law governed from space. The so called  Court Diary, actually a note by someone interested in public exposure of an incident that had not seen the light of the day had sent this to us and to other from journalistic field. The notable point is the fourth respondent is Superintendent of Police [North]. As you read the so called diary you will find that a Non-bailable arrest warrant had been issued to a person who lives within 500 meters of the Rajniwas and Puducherry North Police station. We enclose that Non bailable warrant Xerox copy. We want to know why a Court order was not complied with landing the SP North as respondent before a Writ Petition. Who gave orders to overlook the Court order, or who prevented the SP North from executing the Court order, we urge you to ask explanations in your review meeting postponed today in Puducherry whenever it happens.


 


We enclose the local Tamil weekly Makkal Manasatchi dated January 27 to Feb 2 of 2010. There are many stories on CBI unearthing many things in Puducherry, and as competent Home Minister you are aware of what happens or what happened. We draw your attention to a Report on its Page 3 about a foreigner overstaying here without visa. The diary stated in above paragraph says : Quote : “ The Chief Justice then asked the legal counsel of the visa authorities their view regarding the visa extension and deportation of one Mr. Peter Heehs. The Counsel for FRRO then declared that based on documents available to them they were of the view that no further extension of visa of Peter Heehs was possible.” If that being the case why no action, we urge the Home Ministry to ponder. If a man is a personality he can be above law and if he is an ordinary citizen, then he had to face the music, seems to be the guiding principle. Puducherry not only attracts regular stream of foreign visitors, who on arrival assume a Hindu name, and their original name is hardly known. With such common practice in the spiritual empire, any criminal can find safe haven.


 


We enclose another issue of the same Tamil weekly Makkal Manasatchi dated February 10-16 of 2010, where the follow up to the Peter Heehs affair is reported.


 



More than that in page 6 there is a story about a suspicious murder of erstwhile Ashram lawyer Raghavachari. Without going into this story, which the police rubbish as accident, in between the lines the story states: Quote: ‘Four foreigners sneaked into India through Pakistan border and they are hiding either in Puducherry or Villupuram District. The lawyer is said to have found them and it is stated a reward of 88 lakhs of Indian Rupee equivalent had been promised “Union Home Ministry must screen all foreigners living in Puducherry and nearby Villupuram District, obtain their original passports, find out their true identity, cross check with Interpol whether they are in wanted list anywhere, and probe the business deals with due tax evasion, illegal money laundering etc that is flourishing here. Also the so called marriages of convenience that take place between Indian citizens and Foreigners including promised marriages to obtain French nationality, where legal loopholes of matrimonial laws are exploited to create a society of cultural decay amidst Indians.


 


In Karaikal regular hawala transactions between Muslims and Hindus through notorious agents who enjoy patronage are taking place and the quantum of transaction may be around 200 or 300 crores which go unchecked.


 


We enclose another issue of the weekly where hooch deaths of East Godawari District caused by illegal brewing of liquor from Yenam, an enclave of Puducherry within Andhra Pradesh are reported. We urge Union Home Ministry to study the lopsided developments made in Mahe and Yenam enclave and ensure that al 4 regions gets funds, jobs, schemes, posts in accordance with their population, Robbing Puducherry and Karaikal enclaves Mahe and Yenam are thriving. This necessitates Statehood for Puducherry, Union Territory Status for Karaikal, merger of Mahe with same linguistic groups UT Lakshadeep, closer in proximity. Let Yenam be merged with Telengana, Rayalaseema or Andhra. Till then we want more powers for our Chief Minister, whom people in streets are mocking behind the back as lame duck Chief Minister. We want redistribution of portfolios; we want the clout enjoyed by tiny regions be put to en end. Last but not the least we want Puducherry UT Government to OBEY the HOME MINISTRY, cancel contracts given to RBI and SEBI black listed companies and review the Port and Power Projects. In both Puducherry and Karaikal in all factories bonded Oriya labour and Bihari labour are working. We as Indians are not against anybody working anywhere, but apart from depriving locals of jobs, these poor men of India are kept without proper wages in makeshift thatched shelters and no labour law is applicable in the plunder of our people.


 


As I wrote this someone from Bihar told me that poor Biharis are kidnapped to Australia to work as coolies. If the procuring agent could catch 40 people and smuggle those Biharis to international waters, a price of 6 crores reaches the kitty of the agent of human trafficking. I am personally going to meet my close friend, Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar to urge him to put an end to human trafficking from Bihar to Australia. Union Home Ministry must cross check the information I got, and even it is false alert, ponder ways to stop Indians taken away as bonded labour beyond seas as it happened in colonial days.


 


With Regards


Yours fraternally


 


N.Nandhivarman

General Secretary


 

WRITER NAGARATHINAM KRISHNA ON NANDHIVARMAN’s BOOK

NAGARATHINAM KRISHNA is this century’s Kalki, who weaves history through his novels. He met me on August 18 th of 2009 in my residence.His novel Neelak Kadal spoke on Tamil slaves taken away from French India shattering the myth about French equality-liberty-fraternity concept .I will write in Surya Kathir, bi-monthly column  with due permission from Editor Rao, on Tamils taken to plantations of colonies, about whom only one Great Bard Bharathiar recorded in his poems. Nagarathinam Krishna’s letter on my book is given below, which gives the inspiration to go ahead with my new book ” In search of Tamil civilization beneath oceans “. Publishers wont publish my books, yet it will be uploaded in net.. N.Nandhivarman


அன்பிற்குரிய திரு. நந்திவர்மன் அவர்கட்கு வணக்கங்கள்!
 இக்கடிதம் தங்கள் தமிழர் நாகரீகம் என்ற ஆங்கில நூல்குறித்தது.


நூலை வாசித்தபோது, தமிழரென சொல்லிக்கொள்ளும் ஒவ்வொருவரிடமும் கைவசமிருக்கவேண்டிய ஆவணமென புரிந்தது. தங்கள் எழுத்தும் சொற்களும் இன உணர்வின்பாற்பட்டவை, போற்றுதலுக்குரியவை. எனினும் சொல்லவந்த செய்திகளை தெளிவாக முன் வைக்கிறீர்கள். சொந்த மொழி, சொந்த இனமென்ற மயக்கங்களில்லை, போதையில்லை. சொல்வது உண்மையென்பதால் முன்னெடுத்துச் செல்லும் கருத்துக்களில் வீச்சும், பாய்ச்சலும், ஏராளம்.
 
சிந்துவெளி குறித்த தேசிய மாநாட்டில் வாசிக்கபட்ட ஆய்வுக் கட்டுரை  ஓர் அரிதான கட்டுரை, பல அரிய தகவல்களைக் கொண்டது. பழமைவாய்ந்த அப்பண்பாடும் மொழியும் திராவிடருக்குச் சொந்தமென பெருமிதத்தோடு சொல்லவந்த நீங்கள் அதற்கு உரிய சான்றுகளையும் அக்கறையுடன் சேகரித்து கட்டுரையை உருவாக்கியிருக்கிறீர்கள். உலகின் பல்வேறு பகுதிகளைச் சேர்ந்த கல்வியாளர்களின் ஆய்வுமுடிவுகளை துணைசேர்த்திருப்பது கட்டுரைக்கு வலு சேர்க்கிறது. நீங்கள் இந்தியன் எக்ஸ்பிரஸ் ஆங்கில நாட்டிற்காக எழுதியதென்ற குறிப்புடன் கூடிய பத்திகளும் பொதுவாகப் பல அரிதானத் தகவல்களைத் தருகின்றன. கவனத்துடன் ஆர்வத்துடனும் இரண்டாவது முறையாக வாசித்தேன்.  முதல்முறை வாசித்து முடித்தபோதே உங்களுக்கு எழுத உட்கார்ந்து, பாராட்டு என்பது சடங்காக முடிந்துவிடக்கூடாது, வாசிப்பு அனுபங்களை பகிர்ந்துகொள்வதே சரியாதாக இருக்குமெனத் தள்ளிவைத்தேன். மீண்டும் இரண்டாவது முறையாக வாசித்தபோது எனக்கு மிக்க மகிழ்ச்சி. இப்படியொரு நூலை எழுதியமைக்கும் அதை எனக்குப் பரிசாக அளித்தமைக்கும் மிக்க நன்றி. இல்லையெனில் படிப்பதற்கான வாய்ப்புக் கிடைத்திருக்காது. தமிழ் நாட்டில் நல்ல நூல்களை சந்தைப்படுத்துபவர்கள் மிகவும் குறைவென்பதை நீங்கள் அறிவீர்கள். ஆக மீண்டும் நன்றிகள்.
 
தொகுப்பிலுள்ள கட்டுரைகளை ஆர்வத்துடன் வாசிக்க முடிந்தது. ஒரு சில கட்டுரைகளை கூடுதல் ஆர்வத்துடன் வாசித்தேன்.
 
பிரெஞ்சு மொழியோடு தமிழருக்கான உறவுகள்  என்ற கட்டுரை நான் விருப்பிவாசிக்க என்ன காரணமென விளக்கவேண்டியதில்லை. ஞானு தியாகு, தாவீது அன்னுசாமி போன்றவர்களின் உழைப்பை அறிவோம். அவர்கள் மாத்திரமல்ல புதுச்சேரியில் அண்மையில் மறைந்த திருமுருகனார் உழைப்பைக்கும் உரிய மரியாதையை புதுவை மக்கள் அளிக்கவில்லை, இப்படி அங்கே இன்னமும் நிறையபேர் இருக்கிறார்கள். அதுபோலவே தேசிகப் பிள்ளையின் உழைப்பு. மிகப்பெரிய தமிழரிஞரை உரியவகையில் அங்கீகரிக்கவில்லை என்ற வருத்தம் எனக்குண்டு, உங்கள் கட்டுரை எனக்கு ஆறுதலாக இருந்தது.
 
நாராணகுருவை பற்றிய கட்டுரையும் பல புதிய தகவல்களை எனக்களித்தது; அவர் தமிழ் நாட்டில் தேசாந்திரியாகத் திரிந்தார் என்பதை அறிந்தவன்; ஆனால் அவரிடமுள்ள தமிழ் மொழி அறிவும் ஆற்றலுடன் தமிழில் கவிதைகள் எழுதகூடியவரென்பதும், புதுச்சேரி வேதபுரீஸ்வரர் குறித்து அவர் எழுதிய தேவாரப் பதிகங்கள் எனற நூலைப் பற்றிய தகவல்களும் எனக்குப் புதியவை. சைவ சித்தாந்தத்தின் கோட்டை என்ற தலைப்பின் கீழ் எழுதிய கட்டுரையிலும் பொருள்பொதிந்த தகவல்கள் ஏராளமாக இருந்தன. அப்போதே ஜார்ஜ் பூரே என்ற பிரெஞ்சுக்காரர் நம்மவர்கள் தாய்மொழியில் பற்றற்றவர்களாக இருப்பதைச் சுட்டிக்காட்டி வருந்தியதாக நீங்கள் தெரிவித்திருந்த செய்தி யோசிக்க வைத்தது.
 
செஞ்சியின் பெருமை,  தொகுப்பிலுள்ள கட்டுரைகளில் என்னை மிகவும் ஈர்த்ததென்று சொல்லவேண்டும், மிக நுணுக்கமான அரிதான தகவல்களைக் கொண்டு எழுதப்பட்டிருந்தது. செஞ்சியையும் தேசிங்கு ராஜனையும் மையமாக வைத்து ஒரு புனைவினை எழுதுவதென முடிவெடுத்திருக்கிறேன். அம்முடிவு உங்கள் கட்டுரை அளித்துள்ள தூண்டுதல்.
 
சிற்பங்கள் குறியீடுகள் குறித்த பத்தி, புதுச்சேரி வாழ் பிரெஞ்சு குடிமகன்கள் அவர்களுக்கான பிரநிதித்துவ தேர்தல் பற்றிய செய்திகள் தாங்கிய பத்தி, நாகர்களுக்கும் திராவிடர்களுக்குமுள்ள வரலாற்று இணக்கம் குறித்த பத்தி என சிறப்பித்து சொல்ல நிறைய இருக்கின்றன.
 
பநேரங்களில் தமிழினம் இன உணர்வு மழுங்கிவிட்டதே என நினைப்பதுண்டு, இத்தொகுப்பில் மறைந்த புதுச்சேரி திராவிடக் கழகத் தலைவரின் திருமகன் தமிழ்மணியுடைய  மொழியுணர்வை பாராட்டி இருப்பீர்கள். தொகுப்பை வாசித்தபோது கடைசிவரை உங்களுடைய இன உணர்வின் மூச்சினை உணரமுடிந்தது. உங்களைப்போல ஒன்றிரண்டுபேர் இருந்தால்கூட போதும் தமிழும் தமிழனும் கடைத்தேறுவார்கள். 
 
அன்புடன்
நாகரத்தினம் கிருஷ்ணா
 
 


 

AUROBINDO ASHRAM : UNREPORTED CASE IN HIGH COURT

http://datastore.rediff.com/h5000-w5000/thumb/6155635A5F6127705C6E6A5F6D/wetq7au61vzhs5yb.D.0.peter%20office.jpgBREAKING NEWS THAT MEDIA WILL NEVER BREAK


 It is needless to state that ashrams in India are always in the habit of landing themselves in controversies, especially when the founders are no more, those who step into their footsteps cannot win battles within their minds to earthly temptations for power, money and women. In some places more than woman children are at receiving end. This general trend in India is mostly unreported in media, which finds only politicians as villains in real life and exonerates heads of ashrams from their sins on earth as if they have divine license to indulge in such crimes.



 Introduction : CNN-IBN, known for its bold coverage too had to bow before the influences exerted on them to kill a story titled Divine Trap which its own reporters meticulously caught in camera after 6 months of hard work within Aurobindo Ashram. After advertising the promotion for two days in eleventh hour it was stalled. I complained to Press Council of India that after feeling it is news worthy the CNN-IBN had informed Indian public about the telecast, then without assigning reason had killed the story, and I sought public had a right to know what made them stop the telecast. The reply of Press Council of India which is in visual states that they have jurisdiction over print media only and not electronic media. Technically CNN-IBN got reprieve from Press Council of India, but not morally or ethically. So many Court cases against Aurobindo Ashram go unreported, in spite of alerting crime reporters of High Courts and Supreme Courts. May be they are busy chasing politicians or may be they did the story which was killed , or may be before publication some old Maharaja must have passed a feudal order to kill that story.


 


DEPORTATION DEMAND IN HIGH COURT


 


Mr.Peter Heehs is an American historian living in Pondicherry for more than 35 years and is in charge of Aurobindo Ashram Archives. One bold lady Ms.Sureka Jain had filed a Writ Petition [W.P.24599 of 09] in the High Court of Madras seeking cancellation of his Visa and Deportation to USA. The petitioner’s petition had the Foreigner Regional Registration Officer Chennai and Foreigner Regional Registration Officer Puddicherry as first and second respondent. The third Respondent is the Managing Trustee of Aurobindo Ashram Mr.Manoj Das Gupta and the fourth respondent is Superintendent of Police North Puducherry. Now let us go in the Court and look what happened on 21 st December when the case was heard by the Chief Justice of High Court of Madras. As all reporters of High Court are aware , when the case was taken up lawyers of all parties were present. Mr.Peter Heehs in true style of politicians came with 25 or so supporters of him, all being foreigners who had come to express solidarity with him. He alone was allowed to enter the Court room while others were asked by the watch and ward to wait outside. The Secretary of Aurobindo Ashram, Mr.Mathriprasad, a Machiavellian manipulator of inside affairs came along with Mr.Peter Heeh’s counsel and Ashram Counsel.


 


The counsel of the petitioner, highlighted in the High Court that Mr.Peter Heehs has breached all visa conditions in connivance with the third respondent, namely Managing Trustee of Aurobindo Ashram. The petitioner through her counsel demanded that the first and second respondents should cancel the visa and initiate immediate steps to deport him. The notable plea before the High Court was that the fourth respondent, namely Superintendent of Police North of Puducherry has failed to execute the live arrest warrant pending against Mr.Peter Heehs in Puducherry.


 


The counsel representing Mr.Peter Heehs expressed before the Court that Peter Heehs is a world renowned scholar and historian. He further added that for 35 years he had been in Ashram spreading the teachings of Aurobindo Ghosh.


 


[ The readers of this blog can visit www.peterheehs.com to know about this scholar and his works ]


 


The counsel of Peter Heehs pointed out that the Managing Trustee of Ashram had  praised the invaluable contribution of Mr.Peter Heehs and that he enjoys the total support of the Managing Trustee of Aurobindo Ashram.


 


The legal counsel representing Manoj Das Gupta and Aurobindo Ashram Trust said that he was in full agreement with what had been said by the counsel of Mr.Peter Heehs, and the petitioner was motivated by personal animosity towards Peter Heehs as such the petitioner and her complaint had nothing to do with Aurobindo Ashram.


 


Legal Counsel representing Mr.Peter Heehs declared that the book “The Lives of Sri Aurobindo” is most authentic and academic portrayal of the life of Aurobindo Ghosh that has emerged out of the Ashram and its Archives headed by Mr.Peter Heehs. At this point the Chief Justice was keen to have a copy of the book. To which the legal counsel for Peter Heehs submitted that neither he nor his client were allowed to carry  the copy of the book as the book has been proscribed within the territory of India. On hearing this the Chief Justice sarcastically remarked in that case the book could not be as wonderful as portrayed by the counsel.


 


After arguments by both sides the legal counsel for petitioner conveyed strongly that this case was not about the book in any way but was about the breach of visa conditions by Peter Heehs and Manoj Das gupta.


 


The Chief Justice asked the legal counsel of the FRRO authorities their views regarding visa extension and deportation of Peter Heehs. The counsel for FRRO declared that based on documents available to them they were of the view that no further extension of visa of Peter Heehs was possible. But they could not take a decision  his immediate deportation as there were several criminal cases pending against Peter Heehs in Orissa, and as such they would have to take into account before taking action for deportation or cancellation. They prayed for time to study and revert to the court on the matter.


 


Then the case was adjourned to January 18 th of 2010, on which date respondents were asked to submit written replies.


 


HEARING OF 19 th JANUARY 2010


 


Case instead of 18 th was taken up on 19th. The legal counsel for petitioner pointed out in strongest terms, that the four respondents have failed so far to give written depositions/submissions to the court regarding specific plaints made by the petitioner. He conveyed to the Court that the four respondents are delaying/avoiding written submissions as their failures are indefensible in the matter. He pleaded to the Court that no further arguments should take place till written are made by the respondents.


 


The Chief Justice of Madras High Court ordered that the respondents to give written submissions on next date and posted to 2 nd February 2010.


 


MY APPEAL TO INDIAN AND INTERNATIONAL JOURNALISTS


 


This is a case about an American historian before High Court of Madras . Do you think that only cases involving politicians or film stars are news worthy, and this case should not be reported ?


 


The scholar wrote a book which is sold throughout the world, yet in India through Court orders it is banned. DMK, the parent party of Dravida Peravai launched the Right To Free Expression Agitation soon after it was founded by Aringnar Anna. We wanted ban lifted on all of our banned books. In emergency under dynamic leadership of Dr.Kalaignar M.Karunanithi, me and few writers fought in official organs of DMK defending free speech. So we are keen to debate what Peter Heehs wrote, and why it is banned in India.


 


At the same time what is happening within Aurobindo Ashram must be reported in media. Ashram has no Guru, hence it is not an Ashram as defined by Philosopher Aurobindo Ghosh. It is a Trust without a President, chair vacant for decades, and with no rules. My petition in local courts to frame proper rules for ashram trust was unnumbered but came up for nearly a decade before local court to die a natural death, hence one cannot pursue an unnumbered case for decade with 4 lawyers getting changed in mid way. The rule of law as it applies to Indian Prime Minister must apply to Trustees of Aurobindo Ashram. If Dr.Karan Singh thinks his clout can cover up , we say that democracy is strong, and everything should be debated in public domain, be what happens in Courts or closed door meetings.


 


Journalists of India, assert your rights  as you are custodians of free society.


 


N.Nandhivarman


General Secretary


Dravida Peravai


53 B Calve Subburayar Street


Puducherry 605001