Posts Tagged ‘United Progressive Alliance’

2011: Anna Domini

December 27th, 2011

http://im.rediff.com/uim/news/sai.jpgIn
1911, when Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was perfecting his Passive Resistance
movement in South Africa against the apartheid regime, which he later
successively deployed against the British colonial power in India as Satyagraha,
little could he have imagined that 100 years later, an old man wearing his
trademark topi would employ the very
same tactic against the party he forged into an instrument of Indian
independence.

 

Was
it then, and is it now, merely a case of cometh the hour, cometh the man? Was
the situation ripe, in 1911 and 2011, for the emergence of a symbol of
resistance against an effete government, which both Gandhi and Hazare seized?

 

In
Gandhi’s case, we have the advantage of hindsight stretching over 100 years. In
Hazare’s it’s but a mere year.

 

And
what a year it has been!

 

No
moment in history is a standalone; events are but a cascade, each running into
the other, impelling and influencing the flow. It could hit a plateau and peter
out, or continue its frolic till the very end.

 

The
events of 2011 were influenced by last year’s misrule, and as the present one
comes to a close there is no sign of the torrent slowing down. Lessons that
ought to have been learnt were ignored, actions that should have been taken
were swept aside, making one wonder at times if there was a government at all
in place. All it had was a prime minister who doesn’t enjoy his party’s
confidence; a party president who has no views on anything; an heir apparent
who doesn’t enjoy the title.

 

If
that was the United Progressive Alliance, which in 2011 showed little evidence
of being either united or progressive and at times even behaved like a
misalliance, the Opposition’s lot was no better. That the public’s trust and
faith in the government were whittling had been evident for a while. Normally
this should have been manna from heaven for the Opposition, but so badly was it
caught napping that into this vacant space marched Anna Hazare and his merry
men and one woman.

 

If
you really think about it, Dr Manmohan Singh’s government has done more for
transparency than any other government before it. And if you think about it deeply,
you will also realise that this government has the rare distinction of having
at least one honest person in it.

 

But
what happens very often is that the forces of change, the forces of
expectations that get unleashed push the bar so high that the very agents of change
are often consumed by it, as Mikhail Gorbachev would testify. This force is the
wind behind the Jasmine Revolution/Arab Spring that is toppling regimes in its
wake.

 

If
Tunisia to Libya showed that there was no such thing as a
little democracy, it was either all or nothing, India’s own experience in 2011 shows
that even democracy, which warts and all remains the best form of governance in
all of human history, has its shortcomings.

 

In
many ways, UPA the sequel is different from its first avatar in 2004. When it
went to the people for a re-election on the plank of the aam aadmi and transparency and asked for freedom from the Left’s
tyranny, it had the MGNREGS and the RTI as showpieces to back its claim. The
people believed in its claims, and 2009 came about.

 

Alas,
since that summer two years ago, there has been little evidence of either the aam aadmi or transparency in the
government’s thought and deed. On the contrary, the RTI has been seen to be a
double-edged sword that can equally be wielded against its creator; and the aam aadmi has been buried in homilies in
the face of a raging inflation. And corruption only completed the tragedy.

 

That
the people were angry was known, but the government didn’t take it seriously
enough.

 

That
the people were hungry was also known, but the government couldn’t care less,
or at least that was the attitude shown by its arrogant ministers.

 

The
results from the West Bengal, Tamil Nadu and Bihar
elections should have sounded a warning but it was lost in the babel that is
the UPA. In the first two states the people threw out an entrenched
maladministration, while in the third performance and sincerity were resoundingly
rewarded.

 

What,
me worry? That must have been the UPA’s motto as it saw its principle
opposition, the Bharatiya Janata Party, go through its myriad convulsions over
the question of who will be the next prime minister – the party not only behaving
that the UPA’s days were over but also like it had already won an election slated
for 2014.

 

The
first sign of civil disobedience came in the form of a saffron-clad yoga guru.
As the televangelist yogi’s hunger strike gathered crowds, the government
initially seemed to prefer kid gloves before revealing its iron fist. That it
could get away with the use of brute force in the wee hours against a peaceful
crowd, in which one protestor was even killed, should have emboldened the
administration when Anna Hazare stepped up to the plate.

 

Hazare,
after all, doesn’t even have a base to speak of even in his home state of Maharashtra (as evidenced by the recent elections to
local bodies, in which his target Sharad Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party
came up trumps).

 

However,
six months later, it is the UPA that is on its knees before an old man who,
like Gandhi, is not a politician.

 

Will
the Lokpal, that Hazare and his India Against Corruption colleagues like Arvind
Kejriwal, Prashant Bhushan and Kiran Bedi have been demanding of the UPA,
change things for the better?

 

The
jury is out and probably will never return on that one. But one doesn’t need to
be an Einstein to see that creating a new superset of bureaucracy is not the
best way to eliminate corruption by the existing bureaucracy, that there is no
dearth of laws outlawing misdemeanour in India, what has been lacking is the
will to implement them.

 

The
source of the mass anger against the government, and all politicians, is not over
the presence or absence of a Lokpal, but against a callous government that has
forgotten the people who voted it to power. You can pull out rabbits like FDI
in retail and Food Security Act from the hat, but that still won’t make you a
magician. What this government lacks is magic, which is different from sleight
of hand which has been in abundant evidence.

 

As Annus Horribilis ends with a whimper, the
tantalising question is: In its 100th anniversary as the capital of
colonial India, will Delhi become the
graveyard of yet another dynasty?

Reshuffle reflects PM’s style: subtlety, not noise

January 20th, 2011

http://im.rediff.com/uim/news/sai.jpgSocial networking sites have their use. They give you a sense of public sentiment over any hot topic. But being majoritarian in nature, the debate often swings the way of those who speak the loudest. Listen to them, but not necessarily to take them as the vox populi.

If you don’t do that, on hearing the internet chatter you will tend to believe that the United Progressive Alliance government is rudderless, even clueless that it is rudderless, and lacks a strategy — all of which is proven by the reshuffle, inasmuch as that word applies to Wednesday’s portfolio reallocation exercise by the prime minister.

It can be no one’s case that UPA II is going about its task bright as a button, and it certainly isn’t mine either. The thumb of rule for governments is that their honeymoon phase lasts for one or two years, after which it descends into a holding operation till the next election is called or forced on it. The UPA II is unique in that it almost never had a honeymoon period with the electorate – which is a tragedy, considering the enormous goodwill that propelled it into office.

To know a government is to know its political compulsions. To know a cabinet shakeup is to know the prime minister.

We have known the UPA II for one and a half years now, and its political compulsions were sought to be given a sheen recently by Rahul Gandhi, the Congress general secretary who is anything but that. Coalition governments have their limitations, he said, in a sorry attempt at deflection of the all-round criticism UPA II has been subject to. For instance, following the Supreme Court’s observations on various issues involving the government, which have become a sort of a daily sermon, are an eye-opener. Never before has a government in India been lectured and harangued by the apex court in so regular a manner, which makes you wonder, just who is in charge?

That, in my opinion, is the problem behind UPA II. Things were okay with UPA I, because it was a surprise victory even for the Congress. The prime minister and his political superior, Congress president Sonia Gandhi, hit upon a modus vivendi that didn’t cut too much into each other’s space. So while he could focus on governance, she could focus on the party.

But things seem to have changed with the 2009 electoral victory. The Congress, surprise surprise, improved on its previous Lok Sabha tally, and the party bosses suddenly seem to have woken up to the fact that maybe, just maybe, it could improve further and reach a position where it would form the government on its own.

Inherent in that belief is that it would see the return of the Gandhi family to the top political job in the country.

The problems of UPA II, then, stem from the classic case of party vs government. It was all hunky-dory when the party had less numbers and therefore was less assertive. This doesn’t apply only to the government — it applies in equal measure to the Congress’s relations with its allies too. Hence the uneasy equations with its various partners, from the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam to the Nationalist Congress Party to the Trinamool Congress.

Indira Gandhi foresaw this and wore two hats, of prime minister and party president. So far Sonia Gandhi has resisted the impulse, choosing to be the power behind the throne instead. The irony cannot escape her, the prime minister or us: power can have only one source. When there are more, as it does now, it causes confusion at best and demoralisation at worst.

And the UPA II is at its worst phase now. If it does well, Sonia Gandhi gets the credit; if it fails, it will be laid at Manmohan Singh’s door. The soft-spoken prime minister was aware of this when he agreed to take up the job which had no other claimant. And Wednesday’s reallocation of portfolio reflects his style of operation.

I am not one of those fortunate enough to be on familiar terms with the prime minister or his office, that’s a privilege reserved for a few for whom the downside was revealed recently in tapped telephone conversations. I have encountered the incumbent only twice, both on overseas visits he made. During these visits, contrary to public perception that the media gets to wine and dine with the high and mighty, all you get are a few minutes of interacting up close with the prime minister.

But these are precious minutes, where you get to observe, and even confirm your perceptions. From what I believe and know, this prime minister is not given to pomp and show — not because he knows his job was given to him — but because that is simply not his style. So no overt displays of either style, or authority. Why use a howitzer when a kirpan is enough, that could easily be his motto.

So all those castigating the government for a feeble reshuffle are missing the point. Which is that the exercise was not meant to be anything more than a message. And the recipients for whom it was intended, have all got it. Just a few examples will suffice:

Sharad Pawar has retained agriculture, but has lost the crucial civil supplies ministry. Plus, his foe Vilasrao Deshmukh is now in his trajectory with rural development portfolio.

His party colleague Praful Patel has been given a leg up, but only after paying the price: civil aviation.

Kamal Nath has been moved out of highways to urban development.

Murli Deora gives up petroleum, gains corporate affairs.

MS Gill loses sports, turns number cruncher with statistics and programme implementation.

The Congress party’s interests have been kept in mind, too, with Sriprakash Jaiswal and Salman Khursheed, both from Uttar Pradesh, getting promoted to Cabinet rank.

You can always ask why did the prime minister not go the whole hog if his intention was to clean up his administration? Why have laggards and looters been allowed to remain?

It is for those who refuse to read the signs that Manmohan Singh issued a statement later that a more expansive exercise will be done after the Budget session of Parliament.

Why after the Budget session?

For the government, clearly, the first imperative is to tide over that period – already facing the combined Opposition ire and the threat of Jagan Reddy’s MPs pulling out and endangering the government, neither wisdom nor survival instinct advise the opening of a third front of disgruntled ministers by sacking them.

This, to me, fits in with the prime minister’s style. Another leader from another era I think said it better: Speak softly and carry a big stick. That’s what I think Dr Singh has done.

2010: A mandate betrayed

December 28th, 2010


http://im.rediff.com/uim/news/sai.jpgAs an ancient civilization that has seen vicissitudes go by with equanimity, India is no stranger to fluctuating fortunes. But despite the fortitude sharpened over millennia, it is hard to remain mute, or neutral, as one witnesses the political charade that has been unfolding on the political stage for the better part of 2010.
As India has hobbled along these last 63 years trying to keep its long overdue tryst with destiny, there have been times more often than one can remember when the promise has been betrayed by a class that pretends to serve but in reality is only self-serving.
So it is that even the most hardened optimists — like this writer — will always qualify their rosy outlook for India with the words, ‘But, then, you never know…’ – only because we know that since time immemorial the curse of this land has been its men of destiny who have repeatedly let it down.
But not even hardened experience could have prepared one for the slide in 2010 where a government that assumed power a year ago on the back of a mandate of hope has simply squandered away its reservoir of goodwill and betrayed the mass of expectations which fuelled it to power.
After all, this was supposed to be a government of the aam-aadmi. But the unfolding scams during the year, involving sums that simply boggle the mind, show yet again that when it comes to decisions the common man’s interest is not at the core of decision-making.
Every government has its quota of scams, some artificial, some inflated, and some true. What separates the good government from the bad is how it reacts when scams break, what counter-actions it takes to punish the guilty, to recover the loss to the nation and to put in measures to prevent a repetition in future. Anything less would be seen as being complicit in the financial skullduggery.
Alas, judging by this yardstick, the Manmohan Singh government has failed, and failed miserably. Consider the two humongous scams to hit the headlines during the year: the Commonwealth Games, and the 2G spectrum allocation. In both cases, the government first pretended the scam did not exist, then denied the extent of the scam, before ordering a probe that satisfied very few. Even now, it seems more set on silencing the Opposition’s furore than on bringing the guilty to book.
Naturally, the opposition parties from both sides of the political spectrum, the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Left parties, in an unprecedented act paralysed Parliament’s winter session with their demand for setting up a joint parliamentary committee probe into the 2G spectrum scam, a demand the government is loath to concede for reasons of its own, despite the prime minister likening himself to “Caesar’s wife”.
The irony could not have been starker. In the last six months of the year, leaders of the P5 nations — the United Kingdom, the United States, France, China and Russia — have beaten a path to New Delhi in an effort to be on the right trading side of an economy the world acknowledges is on the cusp of transformation.
Yet, even as a new India yearns to ensure its rightful place in the new world order, what could derail its chances is the old ghost from its past that is suffocating the sleeping giant like an incubus: corruption.
That Indians have an ambivalent attitude towards corruption, is a given. We do not mind winking at it if we felt the government was also doing our work. The CWG and 2G spectrum scams have shattered this delusional sense of security. Both the Games and the spectrum scams involved aspects that didn’t touch the aam aadmi’s life. The former was about showcasing India’s arrival on the world stage by hosting its biggest international extravaganza to date, while the latter involved — simply put — selling of airwaves.
The widespread dismay is that while the aam aadmi was being passed off with homilies about lack of resources to elevate his life from the miserable to the tolerable, millions of rupees were seen to be siphoned off by the political class, with no one punished till the final week of the year. It is a conspiracy of silence where self-preservation is the need of the hour.
That this should happen on the watch of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Congress president Sonia Gandhi, whose working combination seems to have struck a chord with the public – if you drown out the negative chorus on Twitter – is, in my opinion, the biggest disappointment of the year for those praying for a new dawn.
Sadly, when it comes to tackling the cancer eating into the vitals of the nation, the couple seems hamstrung. Speeches pour forth, condemnations are issued, but there are no worthwhile explanations coming about why nothing was done when the exchequer was actually being bled.
It could well have been this waffling over corruption that sent the aam aadmi away from the Congress party by the droves in the Bihar assembly election and into the arms of Nitish Kumar, a man who doesn’t merely stop at issuing homilies about zero tolerance for corruption but who lives by his word, realizing that it is not enough to personally incorruptible but also provide a corruption-free administration in order to make a difference.
It is a lesson the Congress party will do well to internalize, for as Bihar is to India what India is to the world: a land of glorious past belied by a miserable present which holds it back from its rightful future.
Instead, the Congress party and its government are unable to break free of the shackles of the past. Under attack over corruption, it has preferred to divert attention to bogeys from yore that are best buried and forgotten. It could have taken its cue from the Allahabad high court verdict on Ayodhya as a collective desire to bury the past and move on.
Clearly, this is a winter of discontent whose icy fingers are seeping through the warm coverlet of positive sentiment. With critical state assembly elections due next year – including in bellwether states like Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal – the cold season is set to yield to a scorching summer.

Will the real prime minister please stand up?

May 24th, 2010

http://im.rediff.com/uim/news/sai.jpgOne year ago, when the second edition of the United Progressive Alliance came to power, one felt that we would be seeing a different government. There was unanimity among various groups that the first one was a holding operation; trammelled by its lack of parliamentary numbers and a fire-breathing Left, it stumbled through five years of staying in office without really doing much.

Apart from the prime minister’s pet project, the nuclear deal with the United States over which much blood was spilt with the Left, that government did get some landmark legislations passed. Like the right to information and the national rural employment scheme.

But throughout those five years an impression was created, and the Left did little to correct it, that the UPA government wasn’t being given breathing space to do the things it really wanted to. Perhaps the voters too bought the argument last year, since Verdict 2009 cut the Left down apart from boosting the Congress’s numbers.

A year on, after it’s clear that the Left was only UPA I’s whipping boy. A year on, despite getting rid of Prakash Karat and his band of fiery men, the UPA has been as sluggish as it was in its first term. So was the known devil (Left) better than the unknown angels (Mayawati, Mulayam and Mamta)? The only hint came at the prime minister’s press conference today where, when asked if he missed the Left parties’ support, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said, “If wishes were horses beggars would ride.”

For those of us who resented the pressure the Left brought to bear on UPA I, it is clear in retrospect — as it is no doubt clear to the prime minister — that the Left was not in it to strike deals or cut corners. They approached decisions through the prism of principle and policy, there was no surprise about it. With the new bunch of friends the UPA has acquired, it is all about politics, pulls and pressures.

What it has meant to governance is to project an image that the centre cannot hold. That the prime minister is not in control (which is worse if you realise many think that the remote control to the government anyway lay in 10 Janpath).

The prime minister’s cabinet thus resembles a daycare centre where children are running riot, with the babysitter unable to maintain order.

The Union Cabinet posts are filled not on merit but based on allies’ intransigence. So a Muthuvel Karunanidhi is able to cock a snook at the prime minister, at the Congress party and its president Sonia Gandhi and retain a minister who caused pecuniary loss to the nation. We pilloried a prime minister for a scam worth a niggardly Rs 64 crore; but a mere minister who caused thousands of crores to vanish sits pretty.

Naturally when the prime minister opens his mouth about poverty alleviation in his second press conference in India as prime minister, there are silent guffaws.

Blame some of the last few incumbents for the erosion in its image, but the prime ministership of India is not a pushover. Indians like their rulers to show steel — which is why Indira Gandhi, despite her many flaws, remains a perennial favourite. The only time the UPA’s prime minister of six years has shown steel was when the Left’s demands got to him, and that was a good two years ago.

Even if you put it down to personal style — I cannot be like my boss nor he like me, I know — the prime minister has not convinced that his style works.

It is not just that he has been unable to either gag his ministers who clearly believe words speak louder than action or rein in those who think they are not accountable to anyone for their actions. The prime minister’s worst achievement is that in the one year of his second government, he has not sent out the message that he means business.

And this time there’s no pesky Left around to pin the blame on.

What can be worse for a nation suffering the ill-effects of untrammelled inflation than having a celebrated economist at the helm who is unable to control it? You can draw two inferences from this failure. One is that the economist in him doesn’t know how to control prices. The other, less charitable, inference is that he doesn’t think it is cause enough to worry; in other words, Marie Antoinette like, he just doesn’t care.

You can tug at the leash to join the global high table. You can let out a collective gasp that India is one of the letters in the four-letter acronym BRIC that is destined for greatness tomorrow. The world’s most powerful man may take tips from you on how to manage his nation’s ravaged economy. These are all heady things, no doubt, miracles for people like who me who grew up in an India of deprivation and penury.

Alas, but of what use is any of it when our internal affairs is in a shambles!

If UPA I had no clue about warding off jihadi attacks, UPA II has no clue about preventing Maoist attacks. Terror earlier came wrapped in a green flag; today it comes covered in a red flag. Seeing how effete the government is in tackling their threat, it is a question of time before the Naxalites move out of the red corridor and into our cities and towns. Will the government’s wait for a strategy cost the nation dear?

After so much brouhaha over the women’s reservation bill, there’s been no squeak out of the government on its fate. Will its structure change, as the allies have been demanding? Considering how successful the latter have been in getting the government to include caste as a factor in the ongoing census, the signs are clear. This government is malleable on most issues.

What was also clear, thanks to today’s press conference, is that prime minister doesn’t have all the answers. Either he doesn’t have all the facts at his disposal, or you can contact the PMO.

But don’t blame me, I didn’t vote for this government!

2011  |  A Rediff.com India Ltd. Site.